English Version
Carlo Cesare Malvasia
Felsina pittrice
Lives of the Bolognese Painters
Volume 9
Life of Guido Reni
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Guido Reni, Aurora, 1612-1614, Rome, Palazzo Pallavicini-Rospigliosi Source: The Yorck Project tramite Wikimedia Commons |
Critical Edition, Translation, and Essay by Lorenzo Pericolo, Historical Notes by Lorenzo Pericolo with Elizabeth Cropper, Stefan Albl, Mattia Biffis, and Elise Ferone
Corpus of Illustrations Established by Lorenzo Pericolo, with Mattia Biffis and Elise Ferone
Published for the Center for Advanced Study in the Visual Arts, National Gallery of Art, Washington,
2 tomes, Turnhout, Harvey Miller. An imprint of Brepols Publishers, 2019
Review by Giovanni Mazzaferro. Part Three
Go Back to Part One
The role of the market
in the Life of Guido Reni
In all honesty, I don't remember any text chronologically
preceding the Felsina, and
specifically Guido Reni's Life, in
which market and money played such an important role. Of course, the first
thing that comes to mind when talking about the Bolognese artist is his
proverbial ludopathy. But reducing all to this aspect is an understatement.
What I would like to emphasize is that Malvasia provided a series of elements
that give an idea of the importance of the market of the time, starting with a
little-known episode: when Guido escaped from Rome (for Malvasia in 1611,
actually in 1612), he decided to abandon his artistic activity and become an
art dealer: “It was then that Guido spread the rumor that he had quit being a painter, that he wished to paint only at whim and for himself, and that he would rather apply himself to the market and traffic in old paintings and drawings. He had observed how unceasingly they changed hands, from one dilettante to another, each resale generating a profit, until they ended up in the cabinets and galleries not only of Rome, but also of France, Holland, and England, yielding exorbitant gains for the same traffickers, such as Mastri, Manzini, or Grati, who kept enriching themselves (…). He was then committed entirely to collecting distinguished paintings, not excluding those by Caravaggio, which were particularly sought after at the time, and those by old masters that he had brought from Rome. Introduced by the Counts Manzoli of San Pietro to a dilettante, a certain Cartari, who was as successful as he was knowledgeable in this regard, Guido purchased for the then sizable price of two thousand scudi the many paintings he then had on display, completely filling his ground floor" (see I, p. 53). The narration tends to highlight
Reni's frustration and a more general reflection on the status of the artist;
it is not the art creator, or the author of the creative act, who sees his
creative abilities fully recognized through the realization of an adequate
profit, but the merchant who reaps the higher profits from collecting through a
more or less systematic work of speculation. Naturally Reni (in the specific
case through the intervention of Calvaert, who reminded him that his would have
been cowardice) soon withdrew from his intentions and resumed painting
(provided he ever stopped). Two things, however, must be highlighted. First,
the artist's frustration justified his subsequent behaviours, aimed at
maximizing the prices of his works; such behaviours were dictated not so much
by the wish to get richer, but by that of seeing the artist's social importance
recognized. Second, for the first time, not so much and not only the outright sale
of the paintings, but the resale of the same, i.e. a market structured in a
complex way, broke into an artistic biography.
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Guido Reni, Assumption of the Virgin, 1616-1617, Genua, Chiesa del Gesù Source: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Image:Assunzione_-_Guido_Reni_(Genova).jpg?uselang=it |
Artists and money in the fourth age of painting
The foreword to Guido's Life ended with a somewhat complex, and still highly significant
sentence: “Father and promoter of the modern, he made the entire world fall in love with it, art lovers desire it, and artists prosper from it. As will easily appear from relating his life, thanks to Guido priceless paintings, like the panels of ancient Greece, have now become familiar and affordable despite the most obdurate avarice, to the envy of the nobler professions but, in the end, to the honor and incomparable glory of painting” (Vol. I, p. 15 and 17). The fourth age of painting was the one which, thanks to
Guido, allowed painters to return to the prestige they enjoyed in ancient Greek
times, with great envy on the part of all the other noble professions. The commercial
fortune of Reni, therefore, was an integral element of the new modern way.
Of course, not all suspicions and
preconceptions about the market were missing: thus, Malvasia made a series of
statements, which can be perfectly explained in the context of the time. First
of all, he reaffirmed the belief that perfection is priceless and that no type
of monetary remuneration can compensate the skill of those who create art.
Furthermore, Guido hardly ever dealt with commercial negotiations, because doing
so was not suiting those who dealt with artistic creation: “In negotiations over his works he always employed agents or intimate friends, who would obtain paintings from him as if by favor, and only with difficulty would he lower himself to work out an agreement in person, since he detested the term "price" used in this profession, which he said ought to be negotiated using the term "honorarium" and "gift" ” (v. I, p. 147). It is therefore
not correct to speak of 'sale', but rather of an exchange of gifts between the
artist and the client. And this explains, therefore, why the Bolognese
historian systematically mentioned the gifts (in particular the gold chains)
that the artist received from the buyers of his paintings. It was, moreover, a
recognition which Malvasia himself also aspired to obtain. In fact, when he
wrote his Felsina, the scholar dedicated it to Louis XIV and received in exchange, as
recognition (after a first shipment not arrived at its destination), the famous
“Jewel of the Sun King”, which the historian defined in his testament his most
precious asset.
All this being said, it is barely evident that
under the curtain (and the rhetoric) of the 'gift', the prosaic aspect of the
price of the paintings counted and how much, and Malvasia addressed the issue
on countless occasions, also making use (limited to the period 1609-1612) of
the artist's Book of Accounts (today
at the Pierpoint Morgan Library in New York), given to him - he wrote it - by
Giovanni Andrea Sirani (it is very likely that the specimen preserved in
America was the one passed into the hands of Carlo Cesare, but it has not come
intact to the present day). Therefore, some characteristic elements emerge, the
main of which is that, by adopting a system that will then be followed by many
others (think of Guercino and his accounting
register), Guido obtained
payments by pricing the number of figures (or half figures) in a painting. Thus
we are witnessing a surge in quotations that over the years reached up to one hundred
scudi for full-figures and then
rapidly increased to two hundred.
One further point, moreover, needs to be
clarified: the manifold information provided by Malvasia on the transactions
(even after Guido's death) was not simple gossip; indeed, quoting the price
quotations of the paintings were an integral part of the way in which Malvasia
wrote a biography, together with many other elements (for example, mentioning
letters and poems).
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Guido Reni, Adoration of the Magi, 1638-1642, Cleveland Museum of Art Source: https://www.clevelandart.org/art/1969.132 |
Fascinating the audience
Thanks to the new modern manner, Guido Reni is
the artist who raised the price level. Ultimately, this may only happen if
demand largely exceeds supply (and it is no coincidence that Reni's pictures had
an incalculable number of more or less declared copies). The first issue is: why
did Guido's manner make the public so eager to own his works and to spend any sum
to get them? One of the answers Lorenzo Pericolo provides is the novelty. Let's
go back to an aspect that we have mentioned extensively above, and which
however was particularly dear to the Bolognese historian: “Malvasia ideintifies novelty as a "great force", perhaps the greatest, of history; if Guido's paintings fill patrons' hearts and minds with love and desire, this is because Guido forged a new style specifically intended to "make a big splash", on par with Caravaggio's dark manner (...). His divine style elegantly and radically unsettles viewers by ravishing them to ecstasy, to the point that reason dissolves into contemplation and the senses are outshined by the vision of the supernatural: of forms of beauty never before seen” (Vol. II, p. 94). Ultimately, this emotional tension reaching an ecstatic
state justified both the viewers’ desire to possess the pictures and their
price surges. The increase of the quotations was documented above all because
it marked the success of a style. At the same time, success also acted as a motivating
factor for the artist and, without a doubt, led him to suffer the pressure of
customer expectations: “This is why, in his final years, he could never let his paintings go and, mocked sometimes for this inability to rest content, he replied that he was obliged to do even more than he knew and could do, if possible, since he was paid much more than any other painter before him” (Vol. I, 166). In front of his incomplete paintings, the elder Guido was
an almost paralyzed man: he could no longer understand how to go even further,
how to further raise the bar and increase the appeal of his works towards the
public.
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Guido Reni, Portrait of a girl with a crown, 1648-1642, Rome, Musei Capitolini Source: https://artsandculture.google.com/asset/UAHQ9yPGQpjdGg |
The gambler
Of course, the judgment on Guido the gambler,
on the man who, at the end of every workday, squandered fortune playing cards
can only be negative. If Reni was a model for his ability to 'make money', it
is equally true that he had to be censored for the ease with which he dissipated
it. The issue is not so straightforward, and it must be said that, in many
respects, the Guido who throws away his earned work can almost be portrayed
like a character to have human sympathy for. Basically he was a man who did not
hold wealth in any consideration; it is no coincidence that, in this regard,
Malvasia cited Rubens. The scholar's thesis is that, if Guido had correctly
managed his earnings, he could have enjoyed a similarly affluent lifestyle to
the notoriously sumptuous existence of the Flemish painter. Instead the artist
(who, once his mother died, did not have close relatives) seems to hold any
form of accumulation or investment in contempt: he did not purchase land, he did
not buy buildings, and he did not try to put his money to use. Undoubtedly,
this was a choice with a potential charm, which however had the great demerit
of being financed only with debts, inducing him to work by the hour to be able
to pay them. He also had to resort to a serial production (albeit superior to
that of many other colleagues) which degraded the social role of the painter.
The problem is all here: accumulating money means giving dignity to the role of
painting; therefore the artist must have the courage to 'get his hands dirty'
for the good name of his category. If on artist proves instead that he does not
have money in any consideration, he throws, instead, mud on the nobility of
art.
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