Francesco Mazzaferro
The Raccolta di lettere sulla pittura, scultura ed architettura by Giovanni Gaetano Bottari
Part Five
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| Fig. 112) Luigi Rados, Portrait of Giovanni Gaetano Bottari, taken from the Collection of letters on painting, sculpture and architecture written by the most famous characters of the XV, XVI and XVII centuries, published by Monsignor Giovanni Bottari, and continued to this day by Stefano Ticozzi, Milan, 1822 |
We have already seen how, in the
different volumes of the Raccolta di lettere sulla pittura, scultura ed architettura, the selection of letters from the past
may have prevailed over those from the present or vice versa. There was a real
rotation: the first tome (1754) contained epistolary texts between the
mid-sixteenth and mid-seventeenth centuries, the second (1757) hosted two
thirds of the letters from the eighteenth century, the third (1759) was all
centred on texts from the sixteenth century, the fourth (1764) consisted of
nine tenths of eighteenth-century letters. With the fifth tome, published in
1766, we returned to the past, with a clear predominance of texts between the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Though, it must be said that the sequencing
of the letters in Tome V was a bit confused, giving the impression that Bottari
was no longer able to manage in an fully orderly way his residual asset of
letters, which in part had already remained unpublished for years, and in part
had been enriched with new recent entries.
Tome V
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| Fig. 113) The cover page and the introduction of the fifth volume of the Collection of letters by Giovanni Gaetano Bottari, published in 1766. Source: https://archive.org/details/raccoltadilette05bottgoog/page/n5 and https://archive.org/details/raccoltadilette05bottgoog/page/n11. |
The introduction of the volume was
very brief and almost insignificant: Giovanni Gaetano explained that the 175
letters of Tome V had not been included in the previous volumes simply "due to forgetfulness", even if they
were not inferior to the previous ones for the quality of the information they would offer [111]. Very surprisingly, in the little space reserved for the
introductory part, instead of illustrating the contents of the book, Bottari
announced the intention to publish, in the next Tome VI, four 'opuscoli' (booklets) by Federico Zuccari
(1539-1609) which, however, he admitted he had not yet seen. The term "booklet" was
new in the Raccolta and different
from the usual "letters": it is clear that they were not missives.
As for those letters included due to
the previous 'forgetfulness', there is no doubt, in fact, that Volume V contained
missives simply representing the 'continuation' of previous editorial choices:
the texts of the Veneto-Bergamo area were probably the result of the extended activity
of research of Count Giacomo Carrara (1714–1796), while the twenty letters sent
to Anton Domenico Gabbiani must have been delivered to Bottari by the painter Ignazio
Enrico Hugford (1703-1778), who accompanied Giovanni Gaetano's undertaking from the
beginning. Not surprisingly, Hugford was also thanked in this volume for the
"many letters" provided (in a note on page 23) and, for the first
time, also appeared as a direct recipient of missives. The publication of the correspondence
between Mariette and Zanotti certainly cannot surprise either. Among the recent
correspondents, the Venetian architect Tommaso Temanza (1705–1789) gained more
space.
A few words are due on the
dedication to Monsignor D. Sergio Sersale: we have seen in all the previous
volumes that the choice of the dedicatee had always been linked to the conflict
between the Jansenists and the Jesuits. Monsignor D. Sergio Sersale was a peer
of Bottari (like Giovanni Gaetano, he also had the honorary title of "supernumerary secret waiter"), who
eventually died in Naples in 1789 without having reached the dignity of
cardinal. However, he came from the Kingdom of Naples, where his very powerful
family had been expressing the Archbishop of Naples Antonino Sersale
(1702–1775) since 1754. The latter headed in the kingdom of Naples the pro-Jansenist
and anti-Jesuit coalition [112] (a few months later, in January 1767, the
Jesuits would be expelled from the entire Spanish empire, including the Kingdom
of Naples).
Was Tome V perhaps a "child of
a lesser God"? Perhaps the most probable explanation lies in the date of
publication: in 1766 Giovanni Gaetano suffered a stroke, and possibly the tome was
brought to an end when Bottari could not give it all deserved attention.
In my view, however, even with
obvious limitations, Tome V was not simply providing a residual place to
publish forgotten material (or an opportunity to continue the publication of
archival funds whose contents were perhaps less and less convincing). Instead,
it documented (at least in some sections) Bottari’s effort to compile a veritable anthology: he tried
for first time to assemble individual artist's letters, selecting them in the
library volumes to which he had access. In this sense, I would like to
underline the systematic sorting by Bottari, in this Tome, of the numerous
epistolographic publications printed in Venice in the sixteenth century.
Bottari, for example, inserted letters taken from Paolo Manuzio, Lettere di Varj (Letters of Various), 1548; Paolo Gherardo, Nuovo libro di
lettere de i piu rari auttori della lingua volgare Italiana (New letter book of the rarest authors of vernacular
Italian), 1545; Ludovico Dolce, Lettere di diversi eccellentissimi uomini (Letters of several most excellent men), 1554; Dionigi
Atanagi, Delle
lettere facete e piacevoli di diversi huomini (Facet and pleasant letters from different men), 1561; Bernardino Pino, Nuova scelta di
lettere di diversi Nobilissimi Huomini et Eccellentissimi Ingegni (New choice of letters from several noblemen and most
excellent brains), 1574; Francesco Turchi, Delle lettere facete, et piacevoli di
diversi homini grandi et chiari, (Facetious and pleasant letters of
several great and clear men), 1601. In none of the previous volumes he had
produced an anthological effort of this type.
A letter-based history of the art of the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries
To grasp the meaning of the tome, in
short, it is necessary to consult the footnotes, in which Giovanni Gaetano cited
– albeit with discontinuity – the sources. As a result, Bottari was sifting the
libraries in which he worked to select artistic letters from larger epistolographic collections
of letters printed in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, proposing to the
reader a sort of letter-based companion to the development of the history of art.
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| Fig. 114) On the left: Titian, Portrait of Giovanni Battista di Castaldo, 1485-1490 (Source: Wikimedia commons). On the right: Titian's letter to Giovanni Battista di Castaldo, without date (Source: https://archive.org/details/raccoltadilette05bottgoog/page/n49) |
To the volumes I have already mentioned
above I can now add others: these are the publications from which some of the
first twenty letters of the tome were taken (I am limiting myself to them for
reasons of space). The letter XIV, with Titian (1488 / 1490–1576) writing to
Giovanni Battista di Castaldo (1493 circa – 1563) was, for example, taken from
the Nuova
scelta di lettere di nobilissimi uomini, ed eccelentissimi ingegni (New Choice of Letters of the Most Noble Men, and very
Excellent Geniuses), published by Bernardino Pino in Venice in 1574. The letter
IV to Lavinia Fontana (1552-1614) had already appeared in 1606 in the Shortest Letters of the poet Muzio
Manfredi (1535-1609), from which also other letters to minor artists came. The Lettere famigliari di
Luigi Groto cieco d'Adria (Family letters
of Luigi Groto, said the Blind from Adria) were also from 1606, from which was
taken the Letter X of the playwright Luigi Groto (1541-1585) to Tintoretto
(1518 / 1519–1594). The letters VII and VIII by Domenico Zampieri (1581–1641) were
taken from Giovanni Pietro Bellori’s Le vite de' pittori, scultori, ed architetti moderni (The lives of painters, sculptors,
and modern architects) dated 1672. However, it is not clear why the indication
of the source was contained for the letters that referred to the life of
Carpaccio (XII), Sansovino (XV), Guercino (XIII) and Lomazzo (XVI), while it
was missing for the texts signed by Bronzino (XVII), Michelangelo (XVIII) and
Paolo Giovio (XX). As already said, this lack of coherence is one of the tome's weaknesses.
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| Fig. 115) On the left: Family letters of Luigi Groto blind of Adria, written in different genres, and on various occasions (1606). Source: https://archive.org/details/bub_gb_GFEuPiHD2EUC/page/n4. On the right: Luigi Groto’s letter to Tintoretto dated 27 July 1582. Source https://archive.org/details/raccoltadilette05bottgoog/page/n43 |
The first hundred letters of the
Tome belonged to this group of letters "chosen" after a careful
examination of the existing literature. Having access to the volumes in Roman
libraries, Bottari obviously also made use of the correspondence of the great
humanists, such as Pietro Bembo (1470-1547), Baldassarre Castiglione (1478-1529),
Angelo Claudio Tolomei (1492-1556), Pietro Aretino (1492-1556), Annibal Caro
(1507 –1566) and Anton Francesco Doni (1513-1574). Of all them we find missives
sent to artists. Finally, I would like to point out to the correspondence of Giovan Lorenzo Bernini (1598-1680) with the rulers of France and England and
with the Popes (letters XXII-XXVII between 1639 and 1665).
Giovanni Battista Ponfredi’s letter on the life of Marco Benefial
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| Fig. 116) On the left: the first letter of Volume V, addressed by Giovanni Battista Ponfredi to Count Niccolò Soderini and dedicated to the biography of the painter Marco Benefial (source: https://archive.org/details/raccoltadilette05bottgoog/page/n13). On the right: the text (also in the form of a letter) published by Count Niccolò Soderini in defence of Marco Benefial in 1757. |
If the great majority of the texts
of Tome V dated back to the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the Raccolta nevertheless opened with a long
letter, sent to Count Niccolò Soderini (1691-1779) by the decorator Giovanni
Battista Ponfredi (or Ponfreni) (1714-1795) on the life of his master, the
painter Marco Benefial (1684–1764). In all the previous volumes Bottari had
always been very careful in choosing the first letter, assigning the place to
the most famous artists (probably for commercial reasons). Here, most likely,
he wanted to pay tribute to the Roman artist, who had passed away two years
before the publication. Evidently, that artist was better known in those days
than today: the previous year, Mariette had asked Bottari for information on
Benefial and Pompeo Batoni (associating him with one of the most famous
painters of the time), and then he had bought some of his prints for his
collection. Ponfredi’s text of 1764 was only formally a letter, and is still today
the main biographical source on the life of the painter. The addressee of the
letter, Niccolò Soderini, had been the principal (perhaps the only) Roman
patron and supporter of the artist; the sender, on the other hand, had been his
luckless pupil. As for Benefial, it was a figure of a rebel painter, who had incurred
in many sanctions already in the 1720s and had been effectively marginalized in
Rome in 1755 by the administration of Benedetto XIV (and therefore by circles
that Bottari had to know very well). Soderini already defended him by
publishing in 1757 a Letter from a friend
to an academic of St. Luke on some Decrees of that Academy published against Monsieur
Chevalier M. Benefial. In terms of taste, Benefial was a follower of the
seventeenth century’s Bolognese art, although his style was sometimes eclectic
and contradictory depending on whether he was in a phase of rebellion or integration
with academic circles.
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| Fig. 117) On the left: Marco Benefial, The Adoration of the Magi, 1734 (Source: Wikimedia Commons). On the right: Marco Benefial, Rest during the flight to Egypt, 1750 (Source: Wikimedia Commons). |
Mariette, Piranesi and Winckelmann
Some of the letters with
contemporaries allow us to understand the main topics of discussion of the
time. Much has been written [113], for example, on the public controversy
between Pierre-Jean Mariette (1694-1774) and Giovanni Battista Piranesi
(1720-1778) concerning the superiority of either ancient Greek or Roman art.
The theme is interesting in many respects. First, because Giovanni Gaetano
documented for the Italian public a strong exchange of aesthetic arguments which
was developing both in a public and private way. Mariette's letter, dated
November 4, 1764, had already appeared in reality in France in the Gazette littéraire de l'Europe, or on one of the press organs that was supporting enlightenment
figures such as Voltaire and Diderot. Piranesi responded in 1765 with some Observations, contained in a 24-page
dossier brought out in Rome by the publisher G. Salomoni (Observations that are not contained in Bottari’s Raccolta). In a private letter to
Bottari dated 17 June 1765 (but later published by Bottari in this volume),
Mariette wrote in a very direct way that Piranesi was a simple pawn in a much
wider game in Rome, aiming at containing the influence of French
ideas in the eternal city [114]. In other words, Mariette implicitly accused
Piranesi of being misused by the opponents of the Enlightenment aesthetic in
favour of that of the Ancient regime. And Bottari did not hesitate to make this
argument public despite the fact that he was in the Church State.
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| Fig. 118) On the left: Mariette's polemical letter about Piranesi, published in the Gazette littéraire de l'Europe in November 1764 and published by Bottari in Volume V of 1766 (source: https://archive.org/details/raccoltadilette05bottgoog/page/n315). On the right: The Observations of Giovan Battista Piranesi on the Lettre de M. Mariette in the Gazette Littéraire de l'Europe - Rome, 1765 (source: https://archive.org/details/gri_33125008809358/page/n6) |
A second reason that made the letter
interesting is the topic of discussion: writing in Paris and addressing the
public of French art lovers, Mariette disputed the arguments published by
Piranesi in his Della
Magnificenza e d'Architettura de' Romani (About the greatness and Architecture of the Romans). It should be noted
here that, on those same days, the theme was also dividing Piranesi and
Winckelmann, who was at the apex of his influence in Rome. Indeed, modern scholars
have tried to understand who of the two supporters of the superiority of Greek
art on the Latin one (i.e. Mariette and Winckelmann) influenced whom. For the
art historian Rudolf Wittkower [115] (1901-1971), Mariette embraced
Winckelmann's thesis that the Greeks express "noble simplicity and quiet grandeur"; in a recent study, Lola
Kantor-Kazovsky [116] has taken the opposite position: it would be Winckelmann
who was inspired by Mariette's position, according to whom Greek art shows
"a beautiful and noble simplicity".
Whatever the relationship of precedence between the theses in question, the two
were aligned in thinking that the love for Greek art would imply a firm refusal
of any baroque and rococo excesses, which they considered to be an expression
of a non-free world. Greek simplicity was in line with Enlightenment
rationality; the eccentricity of Roman art (with regard to the Roman art
engravings by Piranesi, Mariette spoke of "a profusion of nauseating ornaments and licenses") was instead
a depiction of a policy of annihilation against the freedom of neighbouring
peoples, first of all the Greeks. Needless to say, Piranesi was instead
champion of the superiority and greatness of Roman art and civilization, which
he documented in his engravings.
The dispute between Piranesi and
Mariette also translated into a completely opposite relationship of the two
vis-à-vis Winckelmann. Giovanni Battista was a personal enemy of the German; we
know that he hoped - in the mid-1760s -
that Johann Joachim would return to Germany so that he could free up the
position of "superintendent of antiquities in Rome". Instead Mariette
expressed (in the letters to Bottari) feelings of appreciation for the finalization
and imminent publication of Winckelmann’s Unpublished ancient Monuments in a letter of 1 August 1764 published in Tome IV [117].
In another letter dated October 12, 1765 (published in Tome V) Pierre-Jean wrote,
again to Giovanni Gaetano: "I am
pleased that Mr. Winckelmann finally achieved what he had long desired, to have
a permanent and honourable job in his country [Rome]. If I were in his shoes, I would not leave Rome; but everyone has his
genes, and his way of thinking” [118]. Evidently Mariette was informed that
Winckelmann was thinking of leaving Rome (in the letters of those years we indeed
wrote to be ready to move to Switzerland, because he was tired of Roman
controversies).
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| Fig. 119) On the left: Giovanni Battista Piranesi, On the magnificence and architecture of the Romans, 1761. Source: https://archive.org/details/gri_33125010859946/page/n9 https://archive.org/details/gri_33125010859946/page/n9. On the right: Johann Joachim Winckelmann, Die Geschichte der Kunst des Altertums, 1764. Source: https://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Winckelmann_Geschichte_der_Kunst_des_Altertums_EA.jpg |
It is not easy to understand where
Bottari was sited (or whether he preferred not to) on the question, both a
personal point of view (the relationship with Piranesi and Mariette) and from
an aesthetic point of view (the superiority of Roman or Greek art) and finally even
from that of political view (the alignment of the aesthetics of
Mariette-Winckelmann with Enlightenment). In reality, Bottari tried to remain
equidistant. Personally, he was a friend of both Piranesi and Mariette. He had
been a supporter of the first (from whom, however, we find no letter in the Raccolta), since the Venetian engraver
had encountered problems in Rome in the mid-1740s. It is not by chance that
Piranesi’s cycle in 1748 about the Roman
Antiquities of the Times of the Republic, and of the first Emperors was
dedicated to Giovanni Gaetano. The Raccolta, on the other hand, documented the friendships of Bottari with Mariette
since the middle of the 1750s. In sum, Giovanni Gaetano was keen to preserve
good relations with both, even if he did not hesitate to make their
disagreement public in Rome. As for the aesthetic and political aspects,
Giovanni Gaetano was very cautious: he documented Mariette's thesis in the Raccolta, but made no explicit personal hint
which could be overinterpreted as an interpretation of ancient art in the
Enlightenment sense. As it has already been written, Giovanni Gaetano was
the exponent of an ‘illuminated’, but certainly not an enlightened Rome.
Temanza and the controversy over the use of musical harmonies in architecture
Another text of the Raccolta that gave rise to a public
controversy was the letter of 29 June 1762, sent by the architect Tommaso
Temanza to an anonymous person (indicated with the letters F. M. P.), residing
in Castelfranco Veneto. It could be Francesco Maria Preti (1701- 1774) [119],
author of a treatise on the Elements of
architecture, published posthumously in 1780. As Serenella Rolfi Ozvald
explains, the letter "gave rise in
February of the year [following the publication of the Tome], 1767, to a
polemic response by the Brescia-based Girolamo Francesco Cristiani, who exposed
his dissent in two dissertation-letters publicly addressed not to the Venetian
architect, but to the publisher of that letter, that is Bottari” [120]. The
text of the two letters of engineer Cristiani (1731-1811) [121] was not included,
however, in the next volume of Bottari’s Raccolta
(Tome VI), but not because it was not considered worthy of attention. On
the contrary: Bottari wrote to Temanza, asking him to prepare an epistolary
reply, counting to use the letter exchange to help reach a sufficient critical
mass of new texts for the rapid release of Tome VII, which however was never
brought out by him. Ultimately, the letters were published only in the edition
edited sixty years later, in 1825, by Stefano Ticozzi (1762-1836). Ms Rolfi
Ozvald wrote about this episode: "Bottari
was the organiser of that
exchange, and as we know from the exchange of letters that followed,
published by Stefano Ticozzi, he instilled in Temanza the idea of a reply in
the form of a fictitious letter addressed to him to be published in the
Raccolta, adding precise instructions on its literary formulation” [122].
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| Fig. 120) On the left: Francesco Maria Preti’s posthumous treatise, entitled Elements of architecture and published in 1780 (Source: https://archive.org/details/elementidiarchit00pret/page/n4). On the right: Tommaso Temanza’s letter to F.M.P. of Castelfranco, published in Volume V and dated June 29, 1762 (Source: https://archive.org/details/raccoltadilette05bottgoog/page/n325) |
The subject of debate was the use of
harmonic rules (in particular of the proportional harmonic average) in the
design of buildings, bringing together architecture and music. Temanza expressed
the opinion that - unlike music - harmonic rules cannot be at the centre of
architectural creation, and that Palladio (contrary to what he had theorized)
never actually made use of them. In his opinion, music and architecture were following
different logics: music must follow the metric of the verses, while
architecture must correspond to the syntactic logic of the prose. This is the
reason why architecture must be oriented towards geometry, not music. Temanza
wrote these things to Preti, an architect and amateur architect scholar, who in
his projects made instead a systematic and very strict use of these
mathematical rules. In an age in which a holistic response to different
creative phenomena was sought (and in which music played such an important role
in the definition of taste), Temanza's statement was interpreted as a
manifestation of lese-majesty and provoked the resentful response by the
mathematician Girolamo Francesco Cristiani.
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| Fig. 121) On the left: the two letters addressed by Girolamo Francesco Cristiani to Bottari in 1767 to challenge the theses of Temanza. Source: https://bibdig.museogalileo.it/Teca/Viewer;jsessionid=BD15C15A2E54D0EFAF87783A53D404A2?an=980707&vis=D#page/2/mode/2up. On the right: the letter from Giovanni Bottari to Tommaso Temanza, dated 26 March 1768, published by Stefano Ticozzi in 1825. Source: https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=gri.ark:/13960/t8df80d70;view=1up;seq=272;size=75 |
The sixth and last volume of Bottari’s Raccolta
The last volume edited by Bottari was
brought out in 1768, when the monsignor was now 79 years old. Also in Tome VI there
were obviously elements of continuity: the reference to the Printing House of
Pallas always hinted to the Pagliarinis, and the authorization of the
authorities to proceed with publication was given in response to a
certification by Prospero Petroni, as in the two previous volumes. The number
of letters, however, fell drastically: there were only 55. In fact, a large
part of the volume (from pages 35 to 198) was occupied by the re-proposal of a
single text: the treatise L'idea de' pittori, scultori et architetti (On the idea of painters, sculptors and architects), which Federico Zuccari
had published in 1607.
Volume VI was dedicated to the
Spanish Monsignor Giovanni Diaz Guerra (Juan Díaz de la Guerra) (1726 - 1800)
auditor at the Sacred Rota (chronologically, he was the second auditor to be
mentioned in the Raccolta, after Innocenzo Conti, to whom
Tome IV was dedicated in 1764). Our dedicatee - it is certainly not a surprise
after all that has been said about the previous ones - was among the most
active prelates in the fight of the Spanish monarchy against the Jesuits, which
had led, the year before the publication of this volume, to the dissolution of
the Society of Jesus in Madrid [123]. For Bottari (and perhaps even more for
the publishing family of the Pagliarinis, whose Nicolò had even been condemned for heresy to
seven years jail in 1761 for reasons of the Jesuit campaigns against the
Jansenists and then, having been pardoned, was living in exile in Portugal) it
must have been a relief to see more than seven thousand Jesuits physically
expelled from all the territories of the Spanish empire (and evacuated with
force to the State of the Church or to Corsica). The dedicatee, in particular,
was originally from the island of Majorca, where the pro-Augustinian position
dear to the Jansenists was particularly widespread among theologians since
decades.
It is possible that the presence of
a long letter (18 pages) written by the Spanish painter Francesco Preziado
(1712-1789), sent on 20 October 1765 to Gianbattista Ponfredi and containing a
summary of the history of Spanish art from the sixteenth to the mid eighteenth
century, was a further tribute to anti-Jesuitic Spain.
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| Fig. 122) The cover of the sixth volume of the collection, published in 1768 https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=gri.ark:/13960/t4wh44047;view=1up;seq=5 |
The five-page introduction was the
longest of the entire Raccolta. In
addition to Count Giacomo Carrara for the usual Bergamo letters (we have
already met him several times), Bottari used it also to thank the Genoese
painter Carlo Giuseppe Ratti (1737-1795) and the Florentine philologist
Domenico Maria Manni (1690-1788). About Manni, we know that his correspondence
with Bottari had been very extensive and had begun again in the 1720s, lasting for
forty years (several previous Florentine letters in the Raccolta may well have been provided by him) [124]. Ratti instead was
a new correspondent, as we shall see. But the introductory text, however, mainly
focused on the issue of the publication of Zuccari's writings. Two years
earlier, in the very brief introduction of Volume V - as mentioned - Giovanni
Gaetano had announced the imminent publication of four 'booklets' by Zuccari,
which he had heard of by Mariette and which he hoped could be found in the
royal library of France.
It must have been the Idea itself (dated 1607), but also a
writing of 1605 entitled Lettera a Principi e Signori amatori del Disegno, i.e. Letter to amateurs and Lords of the Drawing (in reality it was the treatise
Origine et progresso
dell’Accademia del dissegno - Origin and Progress of the Academy
of Drawing of 1604, which can be considered a sort of 'coedition' with Romano
Alberti), of a travel diary (Il
passaggio per Italia - The passage through Italy) and finally of a writing on the festivities organized in Parma
in honour of the Infanta Margarita di Savoja). The introduction was very
explicit in saying that Mariette first offered to find them in Paris and then,
failing that, he had essentially left Bottari alone.
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| Fig. 123) On the left: The Idea of painters, sculptors, and architects by Federico Zuccari, as published in Volume VI of the Collection of letters by Giovanni Gaetano Bottari in 1768. Source: https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=gri.ark:/13960/t4wh44047;view=1up;seq=55. At the center: The original edition of the Idea, published in 1607 (and kept at the Biblioteque Nationale de France). Source: https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k111901v.image. On the right: the version published by Marco Pagliarini in Rome in 1768. Source: https://archive.org/details/lideadepittorisc00zucc/page/n4 |
Taken aback, Bottari had started a
spasmodic search in all Italian libraries and eventually found in Florence the Idea and in Venice The passage to Italy and the writing on Parma. The introduction did
not mention any more, however, the second treatise Origin and Progress, of which Bottari even doubted that it would exist.
Finally, Giovanni Gaetano decided he would include the Idea in the volume VI, and the Passage
to Italy in the forthcoming (never published) volume VII. As to the writing
of the festivities in Parma, Giovanni Gaetano decided not to publish the text
because in his opinion he was "off the subject". Exactly the same information
was contained in a letter dated 19 April 1768 by Bottari to Mariette explaining
the circumstances of the discovery of Zuccari's text. Of course one might ask
why Bottari attributed such an importance to the writings of the artist, that he
dedicated almost all of a volume to him (and undertook to give him ample space
also in the next one). The answer can only reside in the fact that Zuccari was
the first Prince of the Roman Academy of Saint Luke.
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| Fig. 124) On the left: The end of the first book of The Idea of Painters, Sculptors, and Architects by Federico Zuccari, as published in Volume VI of the Bottari's Collection (1768). Source: https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=gri.ark:/13960/t4wh44047;view=1up;seq=119. On the right: The end of the first book, as published separately by Pagliarini in 1768. Source: https://archive.org/details/lideadepittorisc00zucc/page/66 |
It is probably
in this perspective that we can explain why, always in 1768, Zuccari's Idea was printed separately always by the
Pagliarinis (without any reference to Bottari and in the absence of any
introduction or dedication). The layouts of the two texts in the Raccolta and in the separate publication
were however exactly the same. The same printing matrices were used for the two
products. Evidently, there was an audience ready to read Zuccari's text outside
the Raccolta and the publisher did
not want to miss the opportunity.
Renaissance and Baroque texts
The Tome VI housed fifteen
Renaissance or Baroque letters, sent by artists of the highest order (letters
of Pope Leo X to Raphael, of Pope Paul III and Pope Clement VII to
Michelangelo, of Michelangelo to relatives and friends). They were texts which Bottari
found in the Vatican archives or by Michelangelo's heirs. It followed a letter
from Maderno to Pope Paul V (1613) on the plan and façade of St. Peter.
Texts by Genoese painters
Genoa occupied an important role in
the Tome VI, thanks to the aforementioned Carlo Giuseppe Ratti. It was Ratti,
in fact, who provided Bottari with a series of Genoese artistic letters. In the
Ligurian city, Ratti had just published a guide to Genoa (Instruction of what can be seen most beautiful in Genoa in painting,
sculpture and architecture, 1766) and was writing the continuation of the Lives of Genoese painters, sculptors,
architects compiled in 1674 by Raffaele Soprani. Among the missives, the
series of letters by Giovanni Battista Paggi [125] (1554-1627) and those
addressed to Domenico Piola (1627-1703) and Giovanni Agostino Ratti
(1699-1775), father of Carlo Giuseppe are remarkable.
 |
| Fig. 125) On the left: The frontispiece of the first volume of the continuation of the Genoese lives of painters, sculptors, architects, published by Carlo Giuseppe Ratti in 1768 (as a completion of the work by Raffaello Soprani of 1768). Source: https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=gri.ark:/13960/t8x931v9k;view=1up;seq=9 On the left: The frontispiece of the first volume of the continuation of the Genoese lives of painters, sculptors, architects, published by Carlo Giuseppe Ratti in 1768 (as a completion of the work by Raffaello Soprani of 1768). Source: https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=gri.ark:/13960/t8x931v9k;view=1up;seq=130 |
Paggi's letters were all sent to his
brother Gerolamo. In those years the painter had been exiled from Genoa to
Florence (he had killed a nobleman), and from there he intervened, thanks to
his brother, in the debate on the statutes of the Genoese art, providing
arguments by letter. The longest text, from 1591, was a condensed twelve page
letter about history of art and pictorial theory. It is obvious that the main
theme was that of the nature of painting as a liberal art, for which Florence
offered a model for the Ligurian city.
 |
| Fig. 126) On the left: Domenico Piola, Vault of the Autumn Hall, Genoa, Palazzo Rosso (1679-1694) Source: Wikimedia Commons. Right: Carlo Giuseppe Ratti, Stories of the Saints Pietro and Catherine, 1778-1784. Source: http://www.culturainliguria.it |
In 1767 Carlo Giuseppe Ratti
contacted Bottari directly, after having got his name from a common painter
friend, the Florentine Ignazio Enrico Hugford. Ratti sent to Giovanni Gaetano -
through Giovanni Bianconi - some letters in his possession. Then a
correspondence began that let the two converse for several months about the
biographies of the Genoese painters involved. Note that their letters also
contained a shared appreciation for Luigi Crespi (there is an obvious
parallelism between the work of Ratti, who had completed the lives of the
Genoese artists written by Soprani, and the work of Crespi, who was completing
the lives of the Bolognese artists written by Malvasia).
Volume VI was the last of the Raccolta under the control of Bottari.
In 1773 Giovanni Gaetano was hit by a second stroke which rendered him invalid
until his death in 1775 (at 86). As mentioned above, Giovanni Gaetano had
already designed a seventh tome. I would like to quickly refer here to the
'pirate' edition of 1773, or to the Tome VII edited by Luigi Crespi, and to the
new edition published in eight volumes by Stefano Ticozzi between 1822 and
1825, also to try to understand whether and how we can learn through them about
Bottari's editorial plans, forcibly interrupted by the disease.
Tome Seven
 |
| Fig. 127) On the left: The volume by Luigi Crespi, published by Marco Pagliarini in 1769, with which he continued Cesare Malvasia’s Felsina Pittrice. Source: https://www.gonnelli.it/it/asta-0013/crespi-luigi-vite-de-pittori-bolognesi-non-.asp. At the center: The slating by Gian Lodovico Bianconi on Crespi's work, in the form of a letter to the Clementina Academy in Bologna, published posthumously in 1802 (Source: http://dlib.biblhertz.it/Gh-MAL8284-4020#page/4/mode/2up). On the left: The Dialogues of an Amateur of Truth written to defend the third volume of the Felsina Pittrice, written by Luigi Crespi, originally published separately in 1770 and included in Volume VII of the Collection (source: https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=gri.ark:/13960/t9r22gt03;view=1up;seq=81;size=150) |
We have already dealt extensively in the first part of this post with the issue of the "pirate" edition of the VII Tome of the
Raccolta, published by the Bolognese
Luigi Crespi without the knowledge of the elderly Bottari. The abbot, however,
was a man who combined brilliant intuitions with unscrupulous attitudes. In
1768, for example, together with the above mentioned Ratti, he had designed a
volume of 'fictitious' artistic letters which would give a detailed image of
the Italian artistic heritage, in response to the contemptuous judgments
expressed by Charles Nicholas Cochin in his famous Italian journey. In short, Bottari’s model was making school.
To reach his goal, Crespi had turned to a series of local scholars who gave an
account of what we would today call a "widespread heritage". Among
them, the Pescia born Innocenzo Ansaldi sent him the following year a
description of Pescia's paintings in draft, recommending not to publish it
because it was incomplete.
When the project failed, Crespi had certainly not hesitated to print the guide
in question without the consent of his author.
On the occasion of the review of Giovanna Perini Folesani's recent essay on Luigi Crespi we have already
illustrated the exact dynamics of the publication of Tome VII of the Raccolta. Crespi had since some years
sent Bottari writings with a highly polemical content that the latter had never
published. Crespi urged publication, but Bottari informed him that he did not
intend to publish a seventh volume. Crespi then pleaded that his writings be
returned to him, so that he could publish them elsewhere, but Bottari refused
(they are still found today in the Corsiniana Library). It was a way of veritably
"burying" Crespi’s controversial texts, with which Bottari in no way
wanted to be associated. In fact the elderly monsignor still had material
available and had in fact commissioned Count Giacomo Carrara to produce a
seventh volume, but the latter was not able to complete the work, also because
he entrusted himself to a Bergamo publisher who did not have contacts to
distribute the work throughout Italy and beyond. With the evident collaboration
(connivance?) of the Pagliarini family, Crespi preceded the Carrara and
manufactured a pirated edition (of which, actually, Bottari knew something).
Why did Marco Pagliarini, a publisher who had worked with Bottari for years, even betray him? Probably the Pagliarinis were looking for a way to continue
(and rejuvenate) a successful editorial initiative. They also wanted to recover
the losses caused by the editorial failure of the third volume of Crespi’s Felsina pittrice, which they had been
unable to place to customers if not in part. Finally, they could certainly not
accept that a foreign competitor (a publishing house from the Venetian Bergamo)
would slipp into a so important market segment (the writings on art). When
Giovanni Gaetano learnt that the alternative Crespi project was about to
materialize, he alerted Carrara asking him to block any Bergamo publishing
initiative. One thing is certain: the seventh volume was, in fact, a
celebration of the figure and thought of Crespi and a systematic refutation of
the ideas of his personal enemies. The tome rested on three pillars: the first was
completely apologetic and concerns the defence of Crespi from the accusations
of Giovanni Bianconi regarding the third volume of Felsina Pittrice (for this
purpose Crespi introduces a dialogue in the Tome, already published separately
in 1770, which occupies 45 pages); the second was a text (also of 45 pages) of
which Crespi knew no author and name and which he wrongly attributed to the
Genoese painter Giovanni Battista Paggi (1554-1627), but which corresponds
perfectly to the Treatise on the nobility
of painting written by Romano Alberti (around 1555 - between 1599 and 1604)
[126]; and finally the third were six letters signed Luigi Crespi, and
addressed to Giovanni Bottari (dated between 1769 and 1770).
 |
| Fig. 128) On the left: Cesare Pronti, The Martyrdom of San Ursicino, without date. Source: Wikimedia Commons. On the right: Carlo Bonomi, Christ adored by angels, Saint Sebastian and Saint Bonaventure, 1610. Source: Wikimedia Commons |
With his six letters, many probably
fake, i.e. never sent, Crespi would update Giovanni Gaetano on his most recent
research. In chronological order, the first, dated August 2, 1769, contained
the texts of a series of letters by Giovanni Battista Agucchi (1570-1632), one
of which was intended for Lodovico Carracci (1555 –1619). The second, dated 1
July 1770, contained a letter from a follower of Guercino (Father Cesare
Pronti, 1626-1708) active in Ravenna with the praises of Carlo Bononi (1569?
-1632). The third, dated September 30th 1770, explained the reasons why Crespi
had written the Dialogues of an amateur
of truth written in defense of the third volume of the Felsina Pittrice, in
which all the accusations against his writing were placed in the mouth of an
academic of the Clementine Academy of Bologna, and all the defences were coming
from an' amateur'. In the letter he thanked Bottari for the continuous support
for the publication and printing of the continuation of the Felsina Pittrice (indeed, a support
documented also in the previous ‘authentic’ volumes, and therefore actually
true). Of September 1772 was another text, which informed Giovanni Gaetano of
the sending of the just published "The
chartreuse of Bologna described in his paintings". Still in the same
month, Luigi turned to Giovanni Gaetano informing him about progress for a
fourth (never completed) volume of the Felsina
Pittrice. And finally, on 28 September 1772, the Bolognese wrote to Bottari
regarding the anonymous treatise he attributed to Paggi, explaining the (wrong)
reasons for that attribution, but also listing the doubts in this regard.
Stefano Ticozzi and the new edition of the Raccolta in the series Selected
Library of Stefano Silvestri (1822-1825)
With the new edition edited by
Stefano Ticozzi (1762-1836) [127] we are taking a step forward in Italian
history for a good fifty years. In 1822 the Raccolta
was published in an expanded version (eight volumes) in the Biblioteca scelta di
opere italiane antiche e moderne (Selected Library
of Ancient and Modern Italian Works), published by Giovanni Silvestri (1778-1855)
[128]. The editor of the Selected Library,
which at the time of publication of the edition of the letters already counted
107 titles, offered to the Italian public a very wide series of fundamental
titles of literary knowledge, organized in "six classes": (i) novels,
(ii ) poems, (iii) prose, (iv) prose and poetry, (v) history and (vi) science
and arts. On the death of the publisher, in 1855, more than five hundred tomes were
part of the series.
 |
| Fig. 129) On the left: Stefano Ticozzi, History of the writers and artists of the Department of Piave, 1813. Source: https://books.google.de/books?id=Q1f4ID2_GT0C&printsec=frontcover&hl=it. At the center: Stefano Ticozzi, Lives of the old painters of Cadore, 1817. Source: https://archive.org/details/bub_gb_i_dNx9Sq6oEC/page/n6. On the left: Stefano Ticozzi, Dictionary of painters from the renewal of the fine arts until 1800, 1818. Source: https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/011606424 |
The new editor of the Raccolta was Stefano Ticozzi, a
sixty-year-old scholar with a political past in the Napoleonic administration
of the Kingdom of Italy, where he had served as prefect of the Department of
Piave (with capital Belluno) up to his dissolution in 1814. Even then Ticozzi
had shown erudite interests for the province he was administering, devoting
himself to local history (History of the
writers and artists of the Department of Piave, 1813; Lives of the old painters of Cadore, 1817). The attention to Titian
was predominant, as evidenced by the three-volume essay about The Imitation of the Excellence in the Works of Titian and Titian's
Life, published in Venice in 1818. After moving to Milan, Ticozzi made the
leap from the local to the global history of art with the Dictionary of painters from the renewal of the fine arts until 1800,
published in 1818. That work, demonstrating his erudition, won the interest of
Silvestri. In parallel to the assignment on Bottari’s letters, Ticozzi did not
hesitate however to carry on other projects: in 1820, for example, he noted the
edition of the True precepts of painting
by Giovanni Battista Armenini and epitomized the Critical
History of the Inquisition of Spain.
 |
| Fig. 130) Ticozzi's work as an annotator of the True Precepts of Painting by Armenini (Source: https://books.google.es/books?id=fAY1AQAAMAAJ&printsec=frontcover&hl=es) and as a compendium of the Critical History of the Inquisition of Spain (Source: https://books.google.de/books?id=UENRAAAAcAAJ&printsec=frontcover&hl=it). Both publications came out in 1820. |
While the original edition of
Bottari’s Raccolta featured by
different titles according to the volumes as we already know, the one edited by
Ticozzi took up the 1757 version, reintroducing the reference to the "most famous characters of the fifteenth,
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries"; however Ticozzi's Raccolta, contrary to the title, presented
letters from artists until the early nineteenth century. The stated objective
of Silvestri and Ticozzi was to make the work available to the ‘larger public’
in an economic version (the circulation was around 1500 copies, compared to the
original - now out of the market - of only one hundred and fifty-two hundred
copies). As we read in the introduction to the first volume: “We could perhaps have given better order to
this Collection, arranging the letters chronologically or by subject; but then
Bottari would have been considered as the author only of the notes, and it
would be regarded as a new collection; and in any case we wanted to reproduce
the collection of Bottari, without taking so much arbitrariness” [129].
Therefore, the outline remained essentially that of Bottari. The philological
intent was however affected, at least in part, by the fact that all
introductions and dedications disappeared from the new edition (it belonged to the new post-revolutionary world, in which publishing dedications to
cardinals and monsignors of Jansenist orientation would appear out of place, so
much more than Silvestri and Ticozzi had both lined up in favour of the
Jacobins and the Napoleonic Republics during the previous two decades). Ticozzi
conserved the Tome VII (without making any reference to the fact that it was a
pirate edition curated by Crespi). If from a typographical point of view the
Ticozzi edition was much easier to use, from a critical point of view,
therefore, anyone considering it as a faithful substitute of the original would risk making a serious mistake and loose, in reality, very important
information with respect to the original to understand the logic and history of
the epistolary collection.
 |
| Fig. 131) The first volume of the edition of the Collection of letters on painting, sculpture and architecture, published by Giovanni Silvestri in 1822. Source: https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=gri.ark:/13960/t7tm8g60w;view=1up;seq=1;size=150 |
The aim of the new Ticozzi edition was
also to add new letters, inserting texts that Bottari had available, but had
not published, or the result of subsequent discoveries. Certainly they included
- at least in part - the documents that Bottari had prepared for his
"Bergamo" version of the Seventh Tome, never published. The printer informed
the reader, in 1825, that the eight volumes of 1822-1825 contained 304 more
letters than those of the original edition. They were distributed in three
appendices (in correspondence with the first, sixth and seventh volumes) and in
a new volume (the eighth) entirely edited by Ticozzi.
It has already been said that
Ticozzi had a network of contacts above all in Veneto and Milan. It is
therefore not surprising that the main sources of new letters were the bibliographer
and collector Antonio Marsand (1765- 1842) [130] in Padua, the scholar
Giannantonio Moschini (1773 –1840) in Venice [131], and Gaetano Cattaneo in
Milan (1771-1841) [132], in addition to Giuseppe Tambroni (1773-1824) in Rome
(we know the latter as curator of the princeps of the Book of Art by Cennino Cennini in 1821). The rooting in the Venetian world
explains why the Raccolta in the
Ticozzi version saw a marked increase in the letters of Francesco Algarotti (1712
–1764) and the inclusion of forty letters from both Antonio Canova (1757-1822) and
Francesco Milizia (1725 –1798). Letters from Mengs and Winckelmann were also included
for the first time. We were therefore now (and much more than it was the case
for the original Bottari) in a firmly neoclassical context.
NOTES
[112] See the entry Antonino Sensale, edited by Giulio Sodano, in the Biographic Dictionary of Italians (2018). The item is available at the address:
http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/antonino-sersale_(Dizionario-Biografico)/
[113] Kantor-Kazovsky, Lola - Pierre Jean Mariette and Piranesi: The Controversy Reconsidered. Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. Supplementary Volumes, Vol. 4, The Serpent and the Stylus: Essays on G. B. Piranesi (2006), pages 149-168. See: https://www.jstor.org/stable/4238471?read-now=1&seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents.
[114] See: https://archive.org/details/raccoltadilette05bottgoog/page/n299
[115] Wittkower, Rudolf, Piranesi’s ‘Parere su l’architettura’, in Journal of the Warburg Institute 2 (1938-1939), pages 147-158. The text has been reproduced with the title “Piranesi’s Architectural Creed” in Wittkower’s Studies in Italian Baroque, Londra, Thames and Hudson, 1975, 304 pages (pages 235-246).
[116] Kantor-Kazovsky, Lola - Pierre Jean Mariette and Piranesi: The Controversy Reconsidered, (quoted).
[117] See: https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=gri.ark:/13960/t76t2114d;view=1up;seq=399
[118] See: https://archive.org/details/raccoltadilette05bottgoog/page/n301
[119] See the entry Francesco Maria Preti, edited by Elisabetta Molteni in the Biographic Dictionary of Italians (2016). The item is available at the address
[113] Kantor-Kazovsky, Lola - Pierre Jean Mariette and Piranesi: The Controversy Reconsidered. Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. Supplementary Volumes, Vol. 4, The Serpent and the Stylus: Essays on G. B. Piranesi (2006), pages 149-168. See: https://www.jstor.org/stable/4238471?read-now=1&seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents.
[114] See: https://archive.org/details/raccoltadilette05bottgoog/page/n299
[115] Wittkower, Rudolf, Piranesi’s ‘Parere su l’architettura’, in Journal of the Warburg Institute 2 (1938-1939), pages 147-158. The text has been reproduced with the title “Piranesi’s Architectural Creed” in Wittkower’s Studies in Italian Baroque, Londra, Thames and Hudson, 1975, 304 pages (pages 235-246).
[116] Kantor-Kazovsky, Lola - Pierre Jean Mariette and Piranesi: The Controversy Reconsidered, (quoted).
[117] See: https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=gri.ark:/13960/t76t2114d;view=1up;seq=399
[118] See: https://archive.org/details/raccoltadilette05bottgoog/page/n301
[119] See the entry Francesco Maria Preti, edited by Elisabetta Molteni in the Biographic Dictionary of Italians (2016). The item is available at the address
http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/francesco-maria-preti_(Dizionario-Biografico)/.
[120] Rolfi Ožvald, Serenella, Lettere ad un amico. Da Bottari al giornalismo artistico degli anni Ottanta del Settecento, in Le carte false. Epistolarità fittizia nel Settecento italiano, edited by F. Forner, V. Gallo, S. Schwarze, C. Viola, Roma, 2017, pp. 469-490. The text is available at the address:
[120] Rolfi Ožvald, Serenella, Lettere ad un amico. Da Bottari al giornalismo artistico degli anni Ottanta del Settecento, in Le carte false. Epistolarità fittizia nel Settecento italiano, edited by F. Forner, V. Gallo, S. Schwarze, C. Viola, Roma, 2017, pp. 469-490. The text is available at the address:
https://www.academia.edu/32003116/LETTERE_AD_UN_AMICO_DA_BOTTARI_AL_GIORNALISMO_ARTISTICO_DEGLI_ANNI_OTTANTA_DEL_SETTECENTO
[121] See the item Girolamo Francesco Cristiani edited by Ugo Baldini in the Biographic Dictionary of Italians (1985). The item is available at the address:
[121] See the item Girolamo Francesco Cristiani edited by Ugo Baldini in the Biographic Dictionary of Italians (1985). The item is available at the address:
http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/girolamo-francesco-cristiani_(Dizionario-Biografico)/
[122] Rolfi Ožvald, Serenella, Lettere ad un amico. Da Bottari al giornalismo artistico degli anni Ottanta del Settecento (quoted).
[123] Pinedo Iparraguirre, Isidoro - El pensamiento regalista y antijesuita de Manuel de Roda y
Arrieta, secretario de gracia y justicia de Carlos III, Madrid, 2015. Quotation at page 341. The text is available at the address:
[122] Rolfi Ožvald, Serenella, Lettere ad un amico. Da Bottari al giornalismo artistico degli anni Ottanta del Settecento (quoted).
[123] Pinedo Iparraguirre, Isidoro - El pensamiento regalista y antijesuita de Manuel de Roda y
Arrieta, secretario de gracia y justicia de Carlos III, Madrid, 2015. Quotation at page 341. The text is available at the address:
https://eprints.ucm.es/mwg-internal/de5fs23hu73ds/progress?id=w4S9kjHJ7P8X7LPJ694QUVQWFAj2gAZymgmone-7_Uk,&dl
[124] See the entry Domenico Maria Manni, edited by Giuseppe Crimi in the Biographic Dictionary of Italians (2007). The item is available at the address:
[124] See the entry Domenico Maria Manni, edited by Giuseppe Crimi in the Biographic Dictionary of Italians (2007). The item is available at the address:
http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/domenico-maria-manni_(Dizionario-Biografico)/.
[125] See the entry Giovanni Battista Paggi, edited by Gianluca Zanelli in the Biographic Dictionary of Italians (2014). The item is available at the address:
[125] See the entry Giovanni Battista Paggi, edited by Gianluca Zanelli in the Biographic Dictionary of Italians (2014). The item is available at the address:
http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/giovanni-battista-paggi_%28Dizionario-Biografico%29/.
[126] The text of the Treatise is published by the Fondazione Memofonte at the address
[126] The text of the Treatise is published by the Fondazione Memofonte at the address
http://www.memofonte.it/home/files/pdf/scritti_alberti.pdf
[127] The eight volumes of the edition 1822-1825 are available at the address https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/000168657.
[128] See the entry Giovanni Silvestri, edited by Elisa Marazzi in the Biographic Dictionary of Italians (2018). The item is available at the address:
[127] The eight volumes of the edition 1822-1825 are available at the address https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/000168657.
[128] See the entry Giovanni Silvestri, edited by Elisa Marazzi in the Biographic Dictionary of Italians (2018). The item is available at the address:
http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/giovanni-silvestri_%28Dizionario-Biografico%29/.
[129] See: https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=uc1.b3999362;view=1up;seq=21;size=175.
[130] See the entry Antonio Marsand, edited by Francesca Brancaleoni in the Biographic Dictionary of Italians (2008). The item is available at the address:
[129] See: https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=uc1.b3999362;view=1up;seq=21;size=175.
[130] See the entry Antonio Marsand, edited by Francesca Brancaleoni in the Biographic Dictionary of Italians (2008). The item is available at the address:
http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/antonio-marsand_(Dizionario-Biografico)/.
[131] See the entry Giannantonio Moschini, edited by Michele Gottardi in the Biographic Dictionary of Italians (2012). The item is available at the address http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/giannantonio-moschini_(Dizionario-Biografico)/.
[131] See the entry Giannantonio Moschini, edited by Michele Gottardi in the Biographic Dictionary of Italians (2012). The item is available at the address http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/giannantonio-moschini_(Dizionario-Biografico)/.
[132] See the entry Gaetano Cattaneo, edited by Nicola Parise in the Biographic Dictionary of Italians (1979). The item is available at the address:
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