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giovedì 29 giugno 2017

Écrire la peinture. De Diderot à Quignard. Une anthologie réunie par Pascal Dethurens. [Writing on painting. From Diderot to Quignard. Anthology curated by Pascal Dethurens]. Part Two



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Écrire la peinture. De Diderot à Quignard.
Une anthologie réunie par Pascal Dethurens.
[Writing on Painting. From Diderot to Quignard. Anthology curated by Pascal Dethurens]


Paris, Citadelles et Mazenod, 2015, 496 pages

Review by Francesco Mazzaferro. Part Two

[Original Version: June 2017 - New Version: April 2019]

Fig. 19) Jean-Baptiste Siméon Chardin, Vase of Olives, 1760. Source: Wikimedia Commons


Eighteenth century painting in the pages of literates

Denis Diderot as an art critic

Philosopher Denis Diderot (1713-1784) regularly published critical reviews of painting exhibitions held at the Louvre (the so-called Salons) for the French-language journal La Correspondance Littéraire. In 1763, he praised Chardin's realism (1699-1779), writing: "His painting is nature itself. It is as if the objects were out of the canvas and their truth could deceive eyes. (...) When I am looking at the paintings of other painters, it seems to me that I need to acquire new eyes; to see those of Chardin, I just have to keep the eyes that nature gave me and make use of them" [41]. This wide-ranging statement was followed by the detailed description of the work "Vase of Olives" (fig. 22) presented at the Salon that year: "The artist put on a table a pot of China's old porcelain, two biscuits, a vase filled with olives, a basket of fruit, two glasses filled with half wine, an orange and a soufflé (... ). But the fact is that that porcelain vase is really porcelain; the fact is that those olives are really separate from the eye because of the water where they swim; it's all about taking those biscuits and eating them; catching that orange, opening and pressing it, and drinking that glass of wine and peeling those fruits and putting the knife in that soufflé " [42].

Fig. 20) Jean-Baptiste Siméon Chardin, Vase of Olives, 1760 (detail)

Diderot then referred to a previous work by the painter, the Ray, a still life presented at the Exposition de la Jeunesse in 1728 to join the Royal Academy. The canvas was still exposed in the Academy (today it is in the Louvre): "The object is disgusting: but it is the very same flesh of the fish. It's its skin. It's its blood. (...) Of this magic, we can be really understand nothing. His layers, appplied the one above the others, may be thick in colour, and the effects sweep then from the bottom layer to the surface. In other cases, one would say that he blew some steam on the canvas; at other times, that he even sprinkled some light foam over the picture" [43].

Fig. 21) Jean-Baptiste Siméon Chardin, The ray, 1728. Source: Wikimedia Commons

This narrative is fully in the tradition of the apologue of Zeuxis and Parrhasius, described by Pliny the Elder: great art deceives the eye and the painter is a sort of magician: "Chardin has full control over the harmony of colours and reflections. He does not scatter pigments of white, red or black on the palette; it is the very substance of objects, it is the air and light that he catches with the tip of his brush and that he fixes on the canvas” [44]. Similar concepts were repeated by Diderot in 1765, in the following Salon, about three still lives: "The Attributes of Music", painted that year, and the "Attributes of the Sciences" and the "Attributes of the Arts", works of the year 1731 [45]. Diderot admitted that there were some aspects of repetition in the "manner" of Chardin (which, in any case, he defended against the criticisms by the British painter William Hogarth). He added that Chardin’s genre, practiced for thirty years, "is the simplest kind of painting" [46], but claimed that "no living painter, not even Vernet, is so perfect in his genre" [47].

Fig. 22) Jean-Honoré Fragonard, Coresus Sacrificing himself to Save Callirhoe, 1765. Source: Wikimedia Commons

On Jean-Honoré Fragonard (1732-1806), the anthology offered another page by Diderot, very different by setting. As a text of a purely literary nature, it was a fictive dialogue between Diderot and Friedrich Melchior Grimm, the editor of La Correspondance Littéraire. Diderot described the painting as if he had seen the action in a dream, and Grimm concluded that, during his dream, the philosopher had certainly expanded the story of to be "Coresus Sacrificing himself to Save Callirhoe", a work by Fragonard of 1765, presented at the Salon of the same year [48]. The story was highly dramatic: because of Bacchus, all members of the society had lost control of their own behaviour; the great priest Coresus was aware that only a human sacrifice would restore the normal course of things. In parallel, Coresus was in vain seeking to conquer the heart of the beautiful Callirhoe, who rejected him. Bad destiny wanted that, interpreting an oracle’s intention, the crowd intended to immolate precisely Callirhoe’s life. To prevent anything from happening to his beloved, while permitting the return of social order, the grand priest took his life away. Callirhoe, suddenly troubled by the sacrifice of the priest, also committed suicide. I would be tempted to say it was a sort of mythological antecedent of Romeo and Juliet. In the dialogue with Grimm, Diderot did not directly describe the scene of the painting, but recounted the antecedents and the subsequent events only as part of his dream. Here the philosopher did not comment on Fragonard’s qualities as a painter; Grimm argued instead that no painter of his own country (he was German) would ever be able to achieve so much.

Years passed and in 1781 the old Diderot (it will be for him the last year of artistic reports on the Salons) was confronted with Jacques-Louis David's neoclassicism (1748-1825), and in particular with "Belisarius Begging for Alms". It was also a work of 1781, which testified swift mutations of artistic taste. Diderot's words demonstrate how he combined praise, questioning and criticism, indirectly revealing that his preferences were no longer fully aligned with changing paradigms in art, even if he appreciated some innovative aspects. The theme was taken from Byzantine history: the great general Belisarius, who had defeated the Vandals and rescued the Empire, was blinded by Emperor Justinian and ended therefore his days begging alms in the streets of Byzantium. "I am seeing the picture every day and I always believe it is the first time. This young man [note of the editor: David was thirty-three years old] shows great manners in the conduct of his work, has character, his heads have expression without being assumed, his attitudes are noble and natural. As far as his design is concerned, he is capable of drawing a drapery and making beautiful folds. His colour is beautiful without being brilliant. I wish there was less stiffness in his flesh, while in some circumstances his muscles do not have enough flexibility. He would perhaps gain if he toned-down somewhat his depiction of architectures. If I had to comment on the soldier's astonishment, the woman giving alms, those arms crossing, I would ruin my pleasure and make the artist unhappy, but I cannot help but tell him: do you not agree that Belisarius was enough humiliated by being force to beg for alms? Was it really necessary to represent him in the position of the one who asks for the money? In my view, David should have better moved [old Belisarius’] arm around the boy or raised it to heaven, so that he could complain about the hardness of his destiny" [49].

Fig. 23) Jacques Louis David, Belisarius Begging for Alms, 1781. Source: Wikimedia Commons

For reasons of space, it is not possible to display and comment other passages by Diderot included in Pascal Dethurens’ anthology. They were dedicated to François Boucher (1703-1770) [50], Jean-Baptiste Greuze (1725-1805) [51], Hubert Robert (1733-1808) [52], Louis-Michel Van Loo (1707-1771)  [53] (in this case, Diderot wrote about a portrait which Van Loo had made of himself, which did not find the full consent of the philosopher) and Claude Joseph Vernet (1714-1789) [54]. The critical style was there similar to his pages on Chardin, with the description of works accompanied by a critical evaluation of the painters. Dethurens's selection demonstrates that Diderot provided the same quality, in terms of description and judgment, even on painters with completely different style and themes.


Charles Baudelaire: the ‘cursed poet' and art criticism in an age of comprehensive tast renovation

Fig. 24) Jean Antoine Watteau, The Embarkation for Cythera (Pilgrimage to Cythera), 1717. Source: Wikimedia Commons

The "Voyage to Cythera", one of the poems of the Fleurs du mal by Charles Baudelaire (1821-1887), shows how much the taste was moving away from XVIII century painting, despite the apparent continuity of aesthetic preferences of the Second Empire with the Ancient Régime. It is enough to compare the poetic text of Baudelaire with the Pilgrimage to Cythera by Jean-Antoine Watteau (1684-1721), and in particular with his bright landscape and fairy humanity. The common theme was the Greek island of Cythera, to which Greek mythology assigned the role of residence of Aphrodite, the goddess of love. Baudelaire’s poem dated 1857 also began with some verses describing the island in its beauty [55]:

"Island of sweet secrets, of the heart's festivals!
The beautiful shade of ancient Venus
Hovers above your seas like a perfume
And fills all minds with love and languidness.
Fair isle of green myrtle filled with full-blown flowers
Ever venerated by all nations,
Where the sighs of hearts in adoration
Roll like incense over a garden of roses
Or like the eternal cooing of wood-pigeons!"
(Translation by Jack Collings Squire, 1909 [56]).

Fig. 25) Jean Antoine Watteau, The Embarkation for Cythera (Pilgrimage to Cythera), 1717 (detail)

However, the tone of the verse changed instantly, showing that Baudelaire's Cythera was completely different from that of Watteau [57]. The statue decorated with the flowers of the painting was replaced in the poem by a gallows:

"Cythera was now no more than the barrenest land,
A rocky desert disturbed by shrill cries.
But I caught a glimpse of a singular object!
It was not a temple in the shade of a grove
Where the youthful priestess, amorous of flowers,
Was walking, her body hot with hidden passion,
Half-opening her robe to the passing breezes;
But behold! as we passed, hugging the shore
So that we disturbed the saa-birds with our white sails,
We saw it was a gallows with three arms
Outlined in black like a cypress against the sky.
Ferocious birds perched on their feast were savagely
Destroying the ripe corpse of a hanged man;
Each plunged his filthy beak as though it were a tool
Into every corner of that bloody putrescence;
The eyes were two holes and from the gutted belly
The heavy intestines hung down along his thighs
And his torturers, gorged with hideous delights,
Had completely castrated him with their sharp beaks.”
(Translation by Jack Collings Squire, 1909 [58])

Instead, the "cursed" spirit of Baudelaire matched very well with that of Francisco de Goya y Lucientes (1746-1828). In 1857 the French poet published an article on "Quelque caricaturistes étrangers" and focused on Goya's skills as a caricaturist.

Fig. 26) Francisco de Goya y Lucientes, Los caprichos (Whims), Table 59, And still they don't go!, 1799. Source: Wikimedia Commons

"Goya is always a great, often striking artist. It combines happiness, joviality, the Spanish satire in Cervantes' good times with a much more modern spirit, or at least a spirit which has been much more sought in modern times: the love of the unseizable, the feeling of violent contrasts, the terror caused by nature and human appearance, when they are strangely altered by circumstances. (...) Goya's great merit is to create a monstrous, but still credible world. His monsters were born feasible, harmonious. Nobody more than he dared in the sense of a possible absurdity. All of these contortions, these beastly faces, diabolical grunts are penetrated by humanity" [59].

Fig. 27) Francisco de Goya y Lucientes, Los caprichos (Whims), Table 62, Who would have thought it!, 1799. Source: Wikimedia Commons

Baudelaire wrote in particular on two Whims of 1799. "I remember in particular two extraordinary engravings. The one represents an extraordinary landscape, a combination of clouds and rocks. Whether it is a corner of the Serra, which is still unknown and not attended by anyone? Of a sample of Chaos? There, in this abominable theatre, there is a battle between two witches suspended in the middle of the air. One on horseback of the other: the one is beating, is dominating the other. These two monsters roll through the dark air. (...) The other engraving shows a being, an unfortunate, a lonely and desperate monad, who wants at all costs to get out of his grave. Malicious demons, a myriad of bad gnomes of Lilliputian size, weigh by virtue of collective effort on the tombstone. These guardians, watching over the fate of the dead, have coalesced against the recalcitrant soul, consumed in a vain and unequal struggle" [60].

Fig. 28) Jacques Louis David, The Death of Marat, 1793. Source: Wikimedia Commons

Baudelaire was also a great admirer of Jacques Louis David's neoclassical art (the above mentioned artist, who did not meet Diderot's full consent), as it is evident from what the poet wrote in 1846 about the "The Death of Marat" of 1793.

"All these details correspond to history and reality, like a novel by Balzac: here is the drama, evident in all his dreadful horror. In a strange effort, the work has nothing trivial or ignoble. It is at the same time David's masterpiece and one of the great curiosities of modern art. What is extraordinary in this unusual poem is that it has been painted with extreme speed, and when you think about the beauty of the design, there is enough to confuse the spirit. This is the bread of the strong and the triumph of spiritualism: cruel as nature, this painting has all the scent of the ideal" [61] (From: The Musée classique du bazar Bonne-Nouvelle).


The de Goncourt brothers and the return to Diderot

One hundred years will have to pass before the Eighteenth-century sunny painters that Diderot so much appreciated were again proposed to readers as a beauty canon to be imitated. We owe their rediscovery to the brothers Edmond (1822-1896) and Jules de Goncourt (1830-1870), in their collection of writings on the 18th century art, drafted with an "artistic prose" so consonant – in its neo-baroque style – with the painting style of the Rococo age.

Fig. 29) Jean-Baptist Siméon Chardin, Basket with Wild Strawberries, 1761. Source: Wikimedia Commons

The de Goncourts proposed again the theme of Chardin's magical realism; it was the same captivating effect they pursued in the choice of their language. "It is a magic vis-à-vis which all art becomes pale, and all other painters weaken. (...) In one of these muffled and blurred backgrounds that he [Chardin] is so well able to blend, and where he vaguely mixes the coolness of caves and the shadows of coffee shops, on one of these tables coloured like moss or marble, accustomed to host his signature, Chardin puts on the dishes of a sweet, here is the soft velvet of a peach, the amber transparency of a white grape, the sugared frost of plum, the dewy purple of strawberries, the packed grapes of muscat and its bluish condensation, the wrinkles and warts of orange skin, the lace of embroidered melons, the inflamed redness of old apples, the nodes of bread crusts, the smooth bark of chestnut, and even the hazelnut wood. All this is in front of you, in the air of the day, as it were at your fingertips. Every fruit has the flavour of its colours, the fluff of its peel, the substance of its pulp. It seems to have fallen from the tree in Chardin's canvas" [62].

Fig. 30) Jean Antoine Watteau, Restless Lover, 1717-1718. Source: Wikimedia Commons

The de Goncourt brothers celebrated the Eighteenth century as the age of seduction. "Watteau renewed grace. The grace for Watteau is no longer the ancient grace: a rigorous and solid charm, the perfection of Galatea marble, the all-plastic seduction and the material glory of Venus. Watteau's grace is simply grace. It is the nothing that dresses the woman of pleasure, of coquette, of a beautiful beyond the physical beautiful. It is that subtle thing that seems to be the smile of the line, the soul of form, the spiritual manifestation of materiality. All the seductions of the resting woman: languor, laziness, abandonment, inclination, elongation, nonchalance, cadence of the poses, the beautiful air of the profiles open to all ranges of love, the fleeting wandering of the breasts, serpentines and undulations, the softness of the female body, and the play of the sharp fingers on the fan's sleeve, and the indiscretions of the high heels that come out from the skirts, and the happy fortunes of contention, and the coquetry of gestures, the handle of the shoulders, and all that the mirrors of the last century taught women, the mimicry of grace!" [63]. The same colouring on the theme of female beauty dominates the pages of the two brothers on the above mentioned Boucher [64] and Maurice Quentin de la Tour (1704 -1788) [65].


Eighteenth century art and the symbolist and decadent literature of late-Nineteenth century

The love for the Eighteenth century painting continued in the second half of the Nineteenth century as an avenue of the poetic symbolism of decadence. The richness and even the overabundance of the iconographic semantic of the Ancient Régime was a source of inspiration for a literature, which was also marked by the literary exuberance of language.

Paul Verlaine (1844-1896) evoked Watteau in a poetic description of a Sabbath in his "Classic Walpurgis Night" of 1866. He did indirectly, making reference to a re-interpretation of Watteau by Auguste Raffet (1804-1860), a painter and illustrator specialised in history painting. He also mentioned another artist: André Le Nôtre (1613–1700), a landscape painter. In any case, Verlaine referred in his poem to Watteau, one of his preferred painters, to offer a 'classic' version of one of the most important 'Gothic' myths of Nordic romanticism.

"Husky songs of distant horns, in which the tenderness of the senses clasps the terror of the soul in intervals harmoniously dissonant in their drunkenness; and there, in response to the horns’ call,
white shapes suddenly intertwine, translucent, which, amid the green shadow of branches, the moonlight makes opaline —Raffet’s dream of Watteau! –
Intertwine amid the trees’ green shadow with a languid gesture, full of a deep despair; then dancing in a circle, very slow, around the shrubs, the bronze and marble sculpture.  
(...)
It doesn’t matter! Always these feverish phantoms leading their vast round dance, sad and tossing like dust-motes caught in sunbeams, in a damp pallid moment disappearing
When dawn extinguishes the horns one after the other, so that there remains absolutely nothing more—absolutely—than a garden by Lenôtre, ridiculous, charming and seemly" [translation by Karl Kirchwey] [66].

Fig. 31) Jean-Baptiste Siméon Chardin, Interior with still life and a dog, 1728. Source: Wikimedia Commons

Marcel Proust devoted to Chardin an article in 1895, in which - according to Dethurens - he identified his still lives “as the pictorial expression of his poetry, centred on the privileged relationship between art and time" [67]. Here are some of his judgments: "In these rooms (...) Chardin enters like the light, giving everything its colour; he leads all the beings of still lives or animated nature from the eternal night in which they were buried; he attributes a meaning to the nature’s shape, which is otherwise so brilliant for the sight, but so obscure for the spirit. Like the princess in her awakening, each one returns to life, resumes his or her colours, begins to talk to you, to live, to last. Everything on this banquet table - from the folds of the tablecloth raised halfway to end with the knife, which is inserted on a side and whose blade is hidden - remembers the hurry of the servants; everything preserves the testimony of the gluttony of the guests. The top of the fruit dish, still so glorious, but already as bare as an autumn orchard, is crowned with marvellous and rosy peaches like cherubim, inaccessible and smiling as immortal " [68].

Fig. 32) Jan Antoine Watteau, The Indifferent, 1717. Source: Wikimedia Commons

Paul Claudel (1868-1955) was also conquered by Watteau’s grace, in his collection of art writings The Œil écoute (The Eye is Hearing), bringing together texts from 1935 to 1946. The poet's prose is as baroque as the above mentioned texts by Proust and Verlaine, and perfectly aligned with the painting text of Watteau. The commentary is on "The indifferent", an image whose iconographic significance is still today a reason for in-depth debates, however without firm conclusions. "No, no, it is not indifferent this messenger dressed of mother-of-pearl, this forerunner of the dawn; let us rather say than that he is looking for a balance between flight and march; he is not yet dancing, but with a tense arm and the other unfolding a lyrical wing with amplitude, he finds a suspended balance in which weight - neutralized with a juggle - is a matter of least importance. He is in a starting and arrival position, he listens, waits for the right time, searches it in our eyes and counts - from the tip of his fingers at the end of this arm - while the other arm, wrapped in a large coat, is preparing to support the movement of the knee. Half-fawn and half-bird, half-sensitivity and half-speech, half-insolence half-relaxation" [69].

With this page by Claudel, Dethurnes offered us for the last time a testimony of literates on those painters of the Eighteenth century about whom Diderot first and the de Goncourt brothers later on had shown so much enthusiasm: Chardin and Watteau. Perhaps, is it a sign that their art no longer corresponded to the sensitivity of the second half of the last century? Hard to say. A large retrospective dedicated to Chardin was held at the Grand Palais in Paris in 1979, to move afterwards to Cleveland and Boston; twenty years later, on the occasion of the third centenary of its birth, an itinerant exhibition brought a large Chardin collection from Paris (always at the Grand Palais) to Düsseldorf, London and New York. As for Watteau, an important itinerant exhibition, organised also in this case on the occasion of the third centenary of the birth, was held between 1984 and 1985 in Washington, Paris and Berlin, and is still considered memorable. Perhaps one could say that, even if painters loose the centrality of the attention by the literate community of an age, they can still recover public success thanks to the irresistible psychological and commercial attractiveness of the exhibitions held because of the anniversaries. History of taste is and remains cyclical.

Fig. 33) The poster of the Chardin Exhibition at the Grand Palais in Paris in 1979
Fig. 34) The Watteau catalogue for the itinerant exhibition in Paris, Düsseldorf, London and New York in 1984

Malraux and Youcenar: Goya and Piranesi in the age of existentialism

In the French literature of the second half of 1900, the interest for the Eighteenth century art was all focused on the pains and horrors of Francisco de Goya y Lucientes (1746-1828) and Giovan Battista Piranesi (1720-1778), who inspired André Malraux (1901-1976) and Marguerite Yourcenar (1903-1987) respectively. Also for them, as for Baudelaire one hundred years before, the artists of the Eighteenth century were not inspiring sources for linguistic delight, but for existential anxiety. Malraux was the symbol of a whole generation: as de Gaulle's minister of culture, he incorporated the desire for a profound renewal of French culture after World War II, however in continuity with the masters of French tradition. Yourcenar is still today one of the most famous female novelists in the world.

Fig. 35) André Malraux's essay on Goya in 1950

"To Goya – as Dethurens wrote - Malraux devoted an entire essay: Saturn. Destin, Art et Goya (1950). The Spanish artist represented in his eyes the most powerful experience of painting, in line with his own approach to melancholy and death. For History, the Disasters of War are what Saturn is for mythology: in the order of material events (the atrocities committed in Spain by Napoleon) as in the order of the symbol (Saturn, at the same time the father of humanity and the devourer of his children), all leads to the reign of horror " [70].

Fig. 36) Francisco de Goya y Lucientes, Nada, from the Disasters of War, 1810-1820. Source: https://www.museodelprado.es/coleccion/obra-de-arte/nada-ello-dira/449af650-2d2d-4cad-bade-1e70e8cc9062

"The demons - Malraux wrote in 1950 - have now found their real form: the atrocious. From the time of his illness, Goya sought everything that caused immediately the common anguish of humans: humiliation, nightmare, rape, imprisonment. His jails, his tortures are now unfolding on the whole of Spain, and his art has become worthy of collecting the public confession of a world that shouts what its etchings whisper. (...) Like all the artists, Goya seeks with greed in real what he needs. (...) Scenes from the Disasters of War have the same role: if they are seen, they move the memory; if they are told, they evoke the imagination. But Goya seeks in these scenes the expression and not the reconstruction, and many of his engravings seem to slide over the copper plates as ragged clouds: the cavalry charge, the women dragged to be raped, the pulled dead body, the flights in front of fire, the fall of the bodies under the bombardment, the raids of monks and looting soldiers, the tumult, and even Nada, which however represents death" [71].

Fig. 37) Giovanni Battista Piranesi, Imaginary Prison, Table No. 8, 1760. Source: Wikimedia Commons

In 1962 Marguerite Yourcenar interpreted Piranesi’s Prisons as the symbol of the denial of reality. Here are some of his sentences from her essay Sous bénéfice d'inventaire: "Let's face them, these Prisons, which are, with the black paintings of Goya, one of the most secretive works that a man of the Eighteenth century ever left us. First of all, this is a dream. No expert in dream-related matter would hesitate a single moment, in the presence of these pages marked by the main characteristics of a dream state: the negation of time, the displacement of space, the suggestion of levitation, the thrill of a resolved or overcome impossibility, a terror which is closer to ecstasy than those who, from the outside, analyse the products of a visionary would think, the absence of a visible link or contact between the parties or the characters of the dream, and finally the fatal and necessary beauty" [72]..."Time, even more than air, does not move: a perpetual chiaroscuro excludes the notion of time and the scary solidity of buildings that of the wear of centuries" [73]. (...) "Our dizziness in front to the irrational world of the Prisons is the result not of the absence of measures (no one has ever been more geometric than Piranesi) but of the multiplicity of calculations that are known to be exact and which lead to a proportion which is known to be false" [74].


The return to a classical reading of Eighteenth-century painting with Simon and Bonnefoy

Fig. 38) Jacques Louis David, The Tennis Court Oath on June 20, 1789, without date. Source: Wikimedia Commons

The influence of Eighteenth-century painting on French literature has extended to the last decades of literary life in French, with Claude Simon (1913-2005), Nobel Prize in 1985, and Yves Bonnefoy (born in 1923 and still living). The return of interest, among literates, to the art of the Eighteenth century coincided, in these two cases, with a literary style that aims to retrieve the classical prerogatives of fiction and poetry and even includes the return to classical eckphrasis. We were, in fact, in an epoch of the late Twentieth century which intended to overcome the ideological anxieties of the 1960s and 1970s and to re-establish a visible link to the tradition (think of the success of so-called "New Philosophers", such as Bernard-Henri Levy, in those years). Simon's text, inspired by David's "The Tennis Court Oath"  was drafted in 1981 as par of the novel "Les Géorgiques" (the choice of a Virgilian title reveals the classical intention). This was a very detailed eckphrastic description (of which I am including only the beginning, dedicated to the figure sitting on the left of David's composition): "The scene is the following: in a large room, a man is sitting in front of a table with one of the two legs folded half under his chair, raising the heel of the foot, with the right foot brought forward and turned flat, while the tibia forms with the horizontal thigh an angle of about forty-five degrees. The two arms are resting on the edge of the table, their hands hold a sheet of paper (a letter?) on which his eyes are fixed. The man is naked. Despite having a certain age, as shown by the receding hairline in a face with thick strokes and pronounced cheeks, the regular practice of gymnastic has undoubtedly kept the body, like for certain knights or certain soldiers, a robust muscle system, whose projection one can follow - despite overweight - under the fat layer. The same folds of the belly are as powerful as those of an old wrestler whose weight does not obstruct the force, but adds to it" [75].

Fig. 39) Giambattista Tiepolo, Apollo leads Beatrice of Burgundy to the Genius Imperii, 1751 (Würzburg, residence). Source: Wikimedia Commons.

The poet Yves Bonnefoy discussed in 1977, in the essay "The Red Cloud", the art of Tiepolo and in particular his use of colours. "But what surprises those who look at the vaults of Palazzo Clerici or at Würzburg is the effect of colour, which is entirely new in the history of Christianity. The baroque colour was thick, was based on backlight effects, and also dramatically indicated the ever-ongoing, never-completed transformation of existence in light. Here, however, it would be said that the background itself is to develop light from its pigments, as if it were a chandelier of thousands of lamps tinted in blue, orange and red colours. And yet this is not the light painting that a happy moment in fifteenth century had dreamed of, to give meaning to the recognized, rediscovered identity of divine and sensorial reality. Since this new colour is as if it were not in the right place, in relation to the proportions of nature; that colour no longer has any relationship with the green of the foliage and the warm colours of the fruits. That colour has acidic yellow colours, pink, and purple, that the earth does not offer us. They suggest rather luxurious coloured clothes, as if the sky had covered the ornaments of the festive Venice that commissioned so many of these paintings. In Tiepolo, the clarity of colour is not the revelation of the divine essence of what is here, with us, in us, like in the Baptisme of Christ by Piero della Francesca: it is the unreal, it is once again a fiction that manifests itself as false. (...) Indeed, there is nothing true in this art but the bodies, especially the bodies of young women, rich in flesh, nourished to life until arrogance, to preserve in art what the true needs in real life: a direct experience of natural reality. But all this is as if it were a scene, because this art is devoted to a dialectic of sensuality and artifice, of frankness and of convention, which serves above all the cause of culture" [76].

It goes without saying that I would be curious to see what today’s French world of literature will have to say about the art of Watteau and Chardin, Fragonard and David, Goya and Tiepolo, in a time when the country has seemingly suffered a profound loss of confidence in its own future because of a widespread sense of crisis. Did Michel Houellebecq, the prophet of a despaired world, choose any of these artists? But now it is time to consider what the anthology can offer us on the painting of the Nineteenth century. We will do this in the third part of this post.

End of Part Two
Go to Part Three 


NOTES

[41] Dethurens, Pascal - Écrire la peinture. De Diderot à Quignard, Paris, Citadelles et Mazenod, 2015, 496 pages. Quotation at page 22.

[42] Dethurens, Pascal - Écrire la peinture. De Diderot à Quignard, (quoted) …. p. 22

[43] Dethurens, Pascal - Écrire la peinture. De Diderot à Quignard, (quoted) …. p.22

[44] Dethurens, Pascal - Écrire la peinture. De Diderot à Quignard, (quoted) …. p.24

[45] Dethurens, Pascal - Écrire la peinture. De Diderot à Quignard, (quoted) …. p.27

[46] Dethurens, Pascal - Écrire la peinture. De Diderot à Quignard, (quoted) …. p.27

[47] Dethurens, Pascal - Écrire la peinture. De Diderot à Quignard, (quoted) …. p.27

[48] Dethurens, Pascal - Écrire la peinture. De Diderot à Quignard, (quoted) …. p.39

[49] Dethurens, Pascal - Écrire la peinture. De Diderot à Quignard, (quoted) …. p.49

[50] Dethurens, Pascal - Écrire la peinture. De Diderot à Quignard, (quoted) …. p.30

[51] Dethurens, Pascal - Écrire la peinture. De Diderot à Quignard, (quoted) …. pp.33-35

[52] Dethurens, Pascal - Écrire la peinture. De Diderot à Quignard, (quoted) …. pp.42-43

[53] Dethurens, Pascal - Écrire la peinture. De Diderot à Quignard, (quoted) …. p.44

[54] Dethurens, Pascal - Écrire la peinture. De Diderot à Quignard, (quoted) …. p.46

[55] Dethurens, Pascal - Écrire la peinture. De Diderot à Quignard, (quoted) …. p.108

[56] Jack Collings Squire, Poems and Baudelaire Flowers, London, The New Age Press, 1909.
See http://fleursdumal.org/poem/187

[57] Dethurens, Pascal - Écrire la peinture. De Diderot à Quignard, (quoted) …. p.108-110

[58] See Jack Collings Squire, Poems and Baudelaire Flowers, London (quoted).

[59] Dethurens, Pascal - Écrire la peinture. De Diderot à Quignard, (quoted) …. p.114

[60] Dethurens, Pascal - Écrire la peinture. De Diderot à Quignard, (quoted) …. p.114

[61] Dethurens, Pascal - Écrire la peinture. De Diderot à Quignard, (quoted) …. p.116

[62] Dethurens, Pascal - Écrire la peinture. De Diderot à Quignard, (quoted) …. p.137

[63] Dethurens, Pascal - Écrire la peinture. De Diderot à Quignard, (quoted) …. p.132

[64] Dethurens, Pascal - Écrire la peinture. De Diderot à Quignard, (quoted) …. p.140

[65] Dethurens, Pascal - Écrire la peinture. De Diderot à Quignard, (quoted) …. p.142

[66] Verlaine, Paul - Poems Under Saturn , (quoted) …. p. 258

[67] Verlaine, Paul - Poèmes saturniens, Translated by and with introduction by Karl Kirchwey, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 2011

[68] Dethurens, Pascal - Écrire la peinture. De Diderot à Quignard, (quoted) …. p.258

[69] Dethurens, Pascal - Écrire la peinture. De Diderot à Quignard, (quoted) …. p.265

[70] Dethurens, Pascal - Écrire la peinture. De Diderot à Quignard, (quoted) …. p.245

[71] Dethurens, Pascal - Écrire la peinture. De Diderot à Quignard, (quoted) …. p.379

[72] Dethurens, Pascal - Écrire la peinture. De Diderot à Quignard, (quoted) …. p.380

[73] Dethurens, Pascal - Écrire la peinture. De Diderot à Quignard, (quoted) …. p.384

[74] Dethurens, Pascal - Écrire la peinture. De Diderot à Quignard, (quoted) …. p.386

[75] Dethurens, Pascal - Écrire la peinture. De Diderot à Quignard, (quoted) …. p.426

[76] Dethurens, Pascal - Écrire la peinture. De Diderot à Quignard, (quoted) …. p.437

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