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lunedì 29 maggio 2017

Florent Fels, Propos d'Artistes [The Propositions of the Artists], 1925. Part Two



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Florent Fels, 
Propos d'Artistes
[The Propositions of the Artists]
Paris, Le Renaissance du livre, 1925, 215 pages

Review by Francesco Mazzaferro. Part Two

[Original version: May 2017 - New Version: April 2019]

Fig. 14) Florent Fels, Maurice de Vlaminck, The Life and the Artist, 1928.
On the cover page: Maurice de Vlaminck, Self-portrait with pipe, 1920


It is difficult, and perhaps even contrary to the anarchic-individualist philosophy of Florent Fels, to draw a single set of conclusions from reading a collection that he conceived (as already explained in the first part of this post) mainly to offer an image of the diversity of motivations and arguments of contemporary artists. However, it seems to me that an attempt is indispensable, unless we do not simply accept to consider Propos d'Artistes [19] as a simple piece of journalism. In the first part of this post, we saw Fels as the protagonist of an attempt of a Franco-German dialogue. However, if we look at him in a purely French context, as we will do in the second part, he was probably also part of an anti-Cubist faction, which sought confirmation in the propositions expressed by fauvist (Derain, de Vlaminck, Utrillo) and eclectic (Ensor) artists, as well as by those younger painters who were looking for a naturalist production (Friesz, Kisling, Pascin, Dunoyer de Segonzac). It was a trend which, paradoxically, found legitimacy even in the latest texts by Picasso. Although he came from the Dadaist / Surrealist universe and had an anarchic cultural setting, Fels was therefore a partisan of the return to classicism (and this is a parallel to his German correspondent Paul Westheim).

Of course, this position was not so perceptible to transform Propos des Artistes into a fully-fledged aesthetic manifesto. Fels' texts, however, had the singularity (as already explained) to mix the voices of the artists with that of the author, creating a fabric that - in terms of literary genre - was halfway between interview and anthology, and thus allowed to express beliefs and aesthetic inclinations. In the postscript, Fels explained that the collection was combining artists he felt to be closer to him with others who did not represent his ideas but were fashionable. For that reason, he - as the author of Propos d’Artistes - did not want to pass judgments on the artists and their works, but leave the floor to them. However, it seems to me that a more careful reading of the seventeen chapters allows for weaving a plot, identifying some relevant aspects in the artists’ statements, or using the French term in their "propositions".

In fact, I feel it is probable that Fels - in the course of the conversations that were the basis of the collection - raised a few common topics for discussion with several of his counterparts. So, for example, he collected statements of painters on the theme of international art. For Chagall, "art is international, but the artist must be national" [20]; for Ensor, who nevertheless noted how easy it had become to travel around the world, "painting will never be an international art. Men-painters, like other men, more than other men, more than others, differ in gestures, attitudes, language, taste, education, race, accent and construction" [21]. The same was said by de Vlaminck, who made the strongest statements: "For me, art cannot be, and art is not international. This is a utopia that poisons painting and literature. Art is local and individualistic, like a rose plant on its soil, an orange plant in a Mediterranean garden. You may well have international currencies, locomotives, homelands; an international army may occupy the moon; instead, there cannot be an international art. Likewise, there cannot be an international cuisine or medicine. You can acclimatize an orange plant in Norway, my children can go around the world; and yet the origin of life, which assigns a place to the human being or its work, is local. Painters dream too much of international merchants, they end up forgetting the main thing, painting" [22]. Only on Matisse, Fels wrote: "The artist aspires to universal harmony and art is the only international language" [23]. So, if Fels was part of a cultural dialogue with Germany (as extensively documented in the first part of this post), the culture in which he lived was often - I allow myself the term - still basically 'tribal': the world was divided into different sensitivities and cultural distances were unbreakable. Probably he opposed those artistic movements, which - in their intellectual radicalism - instead aimed at creating new single references (such as abstract art, cubism, constructivism and socialist realism) across the globe, suppressing national schools.

Likewise, Fels asked many artists whether they usually visited museums. He probably raised the question because he wanted to check their relationship with classical traditions. The answers were sometimes ambiguous and sometimes dogmatic. Only James Ensor gave him a review of paintings by Rubens, Jordaens, Bruegel and the Flemings, proving to know by heart Brussels galleries [24]. Friesz narrated instead that, in a day of leave from the front of the First World War, he had been introduced to Cezanne in the Dutch Hall at the Louvre. The master advised him: "Ah! Yes, the ancients. You must always come and admire them, ask them questions, then ... when you leave ... silence! You have to forget them" [25]. "I am visiting museums" said Moïse Kisling, "but I do not draw any inspiration from any master, and no one puts me under his influence, but rather provides me a sort of attitude, heroic will and ideal" [26]. Pascin confessed: "When I was a young man, I made a lot of studying in the museums, but now I do not go anymore: I have not seen any of the paintings which are exposed at the Louvre" [27]. De Vlaminck was even more explicit: "I never go to a museum. I flee its smell, monotony and severity" [28].

In the present part of this post, I will reserve more space to Maurice de Vlaminck (1876-1958) because of his great friendship with Fels (1891-1977), notwithstanding their difference in age. The series "Propos d'Artistes" opened in "Les Nouvelles Littéraires" on May 26, 1923 [29] exactly with an article devoted to him. Always to him it was dedicated the book "Propos d'Artistes" 1925. Finally, Fels published a monograph on him in 1928 [30]. At the end of this article, I am translating the whole text of Fels on de Vlaminck, also to provide an example of the aesthetic criteria, the narrative technique and the author's use of the language.

First of all, however, here is a brief review of the 'propositions' of the other artists.


Claude Monet

The first chapter of Propos des Artistes was the exact reproduction of the article published in "Les Nouvelles Littéraires" on February 2, 1924, in which Fels talked about the meeting with the old painter in the village of Giverny, north of Paris. "I am looking at you, but I do not see you" [31]: so Monet (1840-1926) began the talk, explaining that the eyes operation of ten years before had not fully restored his visual abilities; he saw shadows, and sometimes light flashes. Monet considered a "scandal" [32] the (in his opinion excessive) prices at which his canvases were being sold, and talked about all art traders - and even those market players who had been decisive for the success of impressionism, such as Durand-Ruel [33] - like cynics who did not really love his art at all. He told of his solitude after many painters and friends of his generation had died, recalled his cooperation with Cézanne and Renoir, and expressed joy for the visits of the young Bonnard and Vuillard and their spirit of "battle and discovery" [34]. Finally he told about the Cubists: "I'm sure they are worth more than what you can think of them from reproductions in art magazines" [35].



Théodore Duret

The original article of January 12, 1924 was the story of a New Year's Eve which Fels celebrated along with the ninety-year-old art critic and merchant Théodore Duret (1838-1927). Fels, who allegedly had family ties with him (he claimed to be his natural niece [36]), considered him as the great defender of Impressionism and the "champion of the new aesthetic" [37] (not only of Impressionism: he also discovered the importance of Japanese art and was the first French to appreciate Wagner [38]). Duret recalled Manet's personal career, born as a wealthy man but dead as a poor man, and yet always living with great dignity [39]. He added a few words on the relationship between the painter and Zola [40]. As for modern painters, he claimed not to know them (he told instead of his deep friendship with Courbet [41]): his activity as art critic stopped in any case with the generation of Renoir (1841-1919) [42].


Marc Chagall

Chagall (1887-1985), the Russian artist, said Fels that he loved Russia but Paris more than anything [43]. In response, Fels considered him to be a "truly French-inspired painter" [44] for having "dared to colour on the edge of the impossible" [45]. The painter recounted his hatred for any intellectualism and official events, such as the Parisian Salons (he loved to live secluded). He spoke enthusiastically of war as an occasion for aesthetic renewal: "Another plastic work, where we have immersed ourselves totally and which recreated the forms, destroyed the lines and re-assembled a new aspect of the universe" [46]. He acknowledges that he had collaborated with the Bolshevik government in the early years when - believing in a "proletarian art" [47] - he even admitted to the art academy plasterers "who knew the painter's job better than me" [48]. Along with them he decorated "houses, trams, railway wagons" [49]. But his final appraisal was bitter: "Proletarian art produced nothing. We simply broke the heart to some human being" [50].



André Derain

Of Dérain (1880-1954) as a man, Fels admired intelligence and wit, and he liked of him as a painter the "technical and psychological research of art" [51], based on a radical simplification of the palette. But Dérain was also a person with whom it was always difficult to build an empathic relationship, even after several years. Fels said it always took a good half an hour to "unfreeze" [52] him and still he used to address him as "Monsieur Fels" [53] despite their long acquaintance. In short, he was a great bourgeois, accustomed to keeping distances. And, I believe for this reason, the interview was all related to theoretical themes and did not let anything out of the long relationship between the two.


"The transposition of figures and objects is a consequence of the original plastic creation. It allows the identification of styles, and it is the basis of every creative genius. Whether it be El Greco or Delacroix, Giotto or Fouquet, the form recreated by their senses is unintentionally found, but it determines the rhythm of the work" [54]. In this sense, art is an expression of eternal restlessness, which does not belong only to the moderns. Art history lives, in fact, simply of marginal increases to perfection. And yet, to confirm the person's difficulty, the last proposition expressed to Fels was rather unfriendly: "I am objecting to a single conversation being presented as the essence of my thinking. I want to have the right to be wrong" [55].


James Ensor

The long interview with James Ensor (1860-1949) started with a recollection of the early years at the Brussels academy and retraced the whole life. First, he told of his early antipathy for Rubens [56], then of his return of interest for the colour of the Flemings, "precursors of Chardin, Courbet and the realistic masters" [57], of his sympathy for Bruegel [58], but also the eclectic interest he had for Ingres (and for "his severe lines" [59]). Ensor was well aware of having anticipated expressionism with his "Christ's Entry Into Brussels" of 1889 [60]. He narrated all the experiments that, after that, further departed him more and more from the painting of his time. He explained that the technique in him "varies according to the subject" [61] and that he employed "all possible ways" [62] (including "cubist masses, impressionist flakes, futuristic splinters, dada knights, expressionist gestures, constructivist links" [63] and looking for “a thin deformation of the line, which is eaten up by colours" [64]), but that his eclecticism did not mean that there was no limit to what he considered acceptable. He was in fact a sworn enemy of Divisionism ("I detest the breakup of light, the punctuation that tends to kill both sentiment and personal and naive vision" [65]), and in general of any holistic system that cannot be combined with others: "all rules, all canons of art vomit death" [66]. He did not say well even of Cubism, in his view an undifferentiated and homogeneous pictorial structure: "Ardently, I condemn every uniform and perpetual decision. Cubism, a beautiful gimmick, beautiful fragments scattered in crystals, shaking the retina, composition of movements, a reactionary need [67]".

Fig. 15) Maurice de Vlaminck, the first volume of memoirs, entitled "Stories and poems of my age", 1927


Othon Friesz

Othon Friesz (1879-1949), today one of the least-known painters among those included in Propos d’Artistes, appeared instead in the anthology as one of the animators of French painting innovation in the early 1900s. In 1904 he contributed to creating the movement of the Fauves ("Savage beasts"), first a name attributed to them as a reproach, but which "had to stay here with us. It designed those who used the laws of complementary colours and contrasts, breaking with Impressionism. The coloured composition, filtered through the brain of the painter, obliged us to give colours their absolute value with the appropriate volume to their effect. (...) I met with Derain, Matisse. (...) We had very precise conversations on our works, giving birth to new concepts" [68]. He pursued the goal of the triumph of pure colour, until (in parallel with Derain and de Vlaminck) he finally broke with fauvism in 1908 ("creators of fauvism, we were the first to immolate it" [69]) and began an impetuous search across vanguard movements, leading him to Cubism and many experiments. Then, it happened what we might call a manifestation of 'return to order' (an expression that Friesz never used in the quoted pages). "Since a year" Fels declared, "the relaxation of all these researches, of all this collection of materials allows me to work a bit with my heart. After assimilating the theories, I now find the emotions of my fifteen years after a trip to the countries of aesthetics. I have the right to make a portrait, a nude, without feeling it is a sacrilege, in a natural and safe way" [70]. With regard to travels, he quoted those in Italy to admire Giotto [71] and Raphael [72] and the strong impression he got from art in Portugal [73].


Georg Grosz

Fels expressed all his admiration for the only German painter in the anthology, Georg Grosz (1893-1959), and his willingness to challenge Prussian military power at a time when, right after the defeat in World War One, the communist insurgents of 1918 were still shot in Berlin's prisons [74]. He therefore celebrated him as the German equivalent of Daumier [75], the artist supporting the French Commune in 1871. It has been said in the first part of this post that Fels wrote much about Grosz. "Instinctively – these are Fels’ words in the section of the chapter where he was expressing his views – Grosz is as aggressive as the Germans are: in their history, in their «moral order», in their representation of the categorical imperatives. But it's hard to keep the measure, to suppress the outbreaking libido of a vigorous people" [76]. Here's how Grosz responded: "It has always been said that a true painter should be an idiot. On the other hand, it is repeated that artists are the nobility of each nation. Does the nobility of the nation have the right to confine itself to the culture of feelings and to remain ignorant of everything else? I think the artist's duty is rather to acquire more knowledge, even at the risk to become more hating rather than loving" [77].

"When the war broke out, I understood - more clearly than ever - that the mass did not have its own will. Crowd drifted into the streets as fascinated by the will of the military. I myself underwent that will. But I was never excited, because I really felt it also threatened the individual freedom behind which I was hiding. I was in danger of being forced into communion with the humanity which I detested. My hatred focused on the men who wanted to subjugate me. I considered war as the expression of the constant struggle for the possession of wealth. This struggle disgusted me already in detail, and even more when it reached global dimensions. This did not prevent me from becoming a Prussian soldier. With my great surprise, I soon discovered that, among my comrades, there were people who were just as dissatisfied with the war as I was. I began to detest these people less than others. I felt less isolated. I made drawings that reproduced the soldier's life. I showed these drawings to my comrades, who joyfully rejoiced. Their appreciation pleased me more than the compliment of an art lover, who obviously could only judge my work from a speculative point of view. From that moment I have dedicated myself to drawing" [78]. It followed a long explanation of what happened after returning to Berlin: the discovery of Dadaism (but not his adherence to it) as an antimilitarist movement and the desire to paint for all men, but against power structures and the men who protected them.


Moïse Kisling

Even in the case of Moïse Kisling (1891-1953) we are facing a comparatively less well-known artist than others (incidentally, he was among the youngest mentioned in Propos d'Artistes). Portraitist, he certainly belonged to the circle of friends of Fels since the time of Action magazine. Cahiers individualistes de philosophie et d'art in 1920. Concerning Kisling, Fels was convinced that he already belonged to the history of modern painting, for his contribution to fauvism. The painter answered: "What I have acquired is a faculty of observation that has allowed me now to find the most intimate reason for things. I do not make psychological portraits, but I am trying, thanks to the atmosphere, the dress, the exterior appearance of the body, the intense life of the face or hands to place my characters in their current existence" [79]. He added some comments both on the failure of Cubism and on the need for a "return to the classic, which is all just about my fright of making mistakes" [80].

Fernand Léger

Fels drew Fernand Léger's statements (1881-1955) largely from the conference on "The Aesthetics of the Machine. The Manifacturing - The Craftsman and the Artist", which he held at the College of France in 1924. The text had been already published in the first issue of the seminal art journal Bulletin de l'effort moderne [81] edited by Léonce Rosenberg, and in the magazine Sélection [82].

Great part of Fels’ original article in Les Nouvelles Littéraires of June 30, 1924 (and also therefore of the chapter of the book) was the exact reproduction of that intervention. Only the final part of the script (the last and a half page) was (perhaps) derived from a direct exchange of views. I believe this may have been a symptom of very cold or even non-existent personal relationships between the two. While Fels was a convinced anti-militarist, Léger wrote: "I find the state of war much more normal and desirable than the state of peace. (...) If I face life, with all its potential, I love what is generally called the state of war, which is nothing other than life at an accelerated pace. The state of peace is life at the slow pace, it is a blockage situation behind closed shutters, whereas everything takes place in the street, where the creator must be" [83]. Between the two, the psychological and intellectual distance appeared therefore to be really extremely large. The text quoted was, however, of absolute value to understand the new aesthetic of the painter (not by chance, the same text was quoted in parallel by Paul Westheim in his anthology "Artists’ Confessions" edited in Berlin the same year [84].

At the College de France's conference, the painter theorized his preference for the machine as an artistic object, instead of nature. The passage is too long (pages 98-106) and I can only quote a few lines. "Each artist has an offensive weapon that allows him to brutalize tradition. Looking for clash and intensity, I used machines, while others have chosen to use naked bodies or still-lifes [85] (...) The mechanical element is not for me simply a bias, an attitude, but a means to get a feeling of strength and power [86] (...) Plastic beauty is totally independent of sentimental, descriptive and imitative values. Each object, table, architecture, ornamental organization has a value in itself, absolute, independent of anything that can represent. Every created object can imply intrinsic beauty by itself, like all natural phenomena, admired by the world for all eternity. There is no beautiful, catalogued, tested, hierarchy. The beautiful is everywhere, in the order of a series of pots on the white wall of a kitchen, as well as in a museum. Modern beauty is almost always confused with practical necessity. Examples: The locomotive is more and more like the perfect cylinder. For reasons of speed, the car has been lowered and elongated, it is now more centred, has reached a balanced relationship between curved and horizontal lines, created by the geometric order" [87].


André Lhote

Lhote (1885-1962) is today commonly known as a cubist. The 'propositions' that Fels expressed were instead those of an eclectic who did not want to be subjected to any art stream. "I am painting for the taste of dissolution. Art, in fact, is nothing else, in my opinion, than a spiritual dissolution. No other activity allows me so delicious mistakes. The day I will be convinced that art is something other than the arbitrary use of nature in the whims of sensitivity, I will cease to paint. If I love theories and laws which I have invented for my personal use, it is not to remain their prisoner, but rather for the pleasure of being unfaithful to them. One day, I will write an Aesthetics of Unfaithfulness" [88]. Lhote knew that he was called the "head of neoclassicism", even though he did not share this honour at all: he desecrated the orientation of those who suddenly sought reference in Poussin, David and Ingres [89], because classicalism "implies a bold attitude of the spirit and not a school application, or the sterile use of procedures that have now passed" [90]. And yet he believed that the "elements of the pictorial technique that has disappeared" [91] had to be recovered (and one would think of the essay Ritorno al mestiere (Return to craft) by Giorgio de Chirico, published in the Italian journal Valori Plastici in 1919 [92]).


Henri Matisse

Painter-poet par excellence, according to Fels, Henri Matisse (1869-1954) explained that there are two ways of expressing things: one is to show them brutally, the other is to evoke them. Clearly, he preferred the second option. "To succeed, I am trying to put things closer to each other. I am specifying them thanks to their individual characteristics, and to the relationship between the elements that make up and place them: these relationships exist no less between colour combinations than among those of the forms. The simple new fact obtained by contrasting colours is already a source of pleasant, but superficial feelings. Sometimes in the past I was content of it. But a picture needs condensation of sensible and controlled states of calm. Then my aim is to accept the co-existence of dignity, freshness and the charm of a spontaneous feeling in a work that is always true. Ordering colours is putting order on ideas" [93].

Fig. 16) Maurice de Vlaminck, a volume of memoirs entitled "A dangerous turning" , 1929

Jules Pascin

With Julien Pascin (1885-1930) Fels faced a real cosmopolitan: born in Bulgaria by a Sephardic Jewish family (with origins in Spain and Italy), he took the American citizenship but lived in Paris. Pascin told him about the different sensations of the US and French audience, explained that Charlie Chaplin was much more loved in Europe than in the United States [94] and spoke of contemporary art across the Atlantic, not without some ingenuity: "Young American painters are not lacking in talent, but a few centuries will have to go before one can talk about American painting worthy of that wonderful country. One who had a great influence to get American artists out of their provincialism and to make New Yorkers know the artistic possibilities of their city is Marchel Duchamp" [95]. The last words on Duchamp were devoted to the embarrassment for his decision to leave art and to devote himself professionally to chess, around 1920.

Pablo Picasso

Picasso (1881-1973) was presented by Fels as "the most dynamic of the painters, the one whose work is never immobile and always confronts us with new problems, revealing more open possibilities in terms of form and colour. He is also the most discussed and the most copied" [96]. He reproduced of him (as already explained in the first part of this post) much of the Declaration on Cubism, originally delivered in Spanish to the Mexican art critic Marius de Zayas [97] and published in English in 1923 [98]. Fels however forgot to mention de Zayas and his interviews as the source of those words, which today are very famous, but perhaps looked in those days like the text of an exclusive interview of Fels with him: "We know today that art is not truth. Art is a lie that allows us to approach the truth, at least the truth that is understandable to us. The artist must invent the way to convince the public of the whole truth of his lies" [99]. It would seem pure narcissism, but from it Picasso derived the rejection of any experimentation and of abstract art ("the greatest mistake in modern art. The search spirit has intoxicated those who did not understand all the positive side of modern art and want to paint the invisible and not the pictorial" [100]). It looked like a direct attack against Paul Klee and his famous motto that “Art does not reproduce the visible but makes visible”, published in the “Creative Confession” of 1920. The words of Picasso that followed must have seemed astonishing to many readers: in reality, David, Ingres and even Bouguereau were not naturalist; likewise, Cubism was not abstraction. "Cubism was no different from conventional painting schools. The same principles and the same elements were common to all" [101].


Georges Rouault

Roualt (1871 -1958), considered today as the French fauvist closest to German expressionism, told us "I never worked with the Fauvists. My only influence is Rembrandt" [102]. For Fels, he was rather a cursed painter, close to El Greco and Bosch for temperament, and an exceptionally original spirit in France. Fels reproduced his Baptism of Christ, a theme that the painter would repeatedly develop in the following years. In Propos de Artistes, Rouault in particular recalled the years with his teacher, the symbolist Gustave Moreau [103], whom he compared to Degas and Renoir [104]. The memoirs were accompanied by poems by Rouault on classic themes ("Orpheus", "Ingres’ Drawings", "Classic Composition", "Miserere" [105]).

André Dunoyer de Segonzac

Dunoyer de Segonzac (1884-1974) was a coetaneous of Fels, who was not only a personal friend of him, but also shared his approach: "Neither realist nor naturist, he is nature in itself. He gave a new appearance to objects [106]. (...) Freedom and order, lightness and strength, Dunoyer de Segonzac is a true French [107]". The painter's statements were a real uprising against any avant-garde, and had a taste of conservative, perhaps even reactionary radicalism. "And here is the era of Cubism [108] (...) Symbol of the anti-natural art that we have undergone in the last fifteen years. Nobody dares to make a gesture - it's too simple ... and too hard ... - A grimace has more effect: it's stronger and more advanced [109] (...) I feel that in France we want to resume being natural. Aestheticism is the death of art. With the theories of the last few years we get closer to the mentality of Rosicrucianism, Pre-Raphaelites, and so on, than to the time of purity, like archaic Greece, the twelfth-century French, the nineteenth century of Corot, and finally Cézanne and Rousseau" [110].

Maurice Utrillo

Utrillo (1883-1955) was one of Fels’ great favourites. He published in Propos d’Artistes a version of the Church of Saint-Séverin of 1922, different from the previous one (and though very similar) today exhibited at the National Gallery in Washington. The image of 1922 also displayed the signboard of the painter's atelier (with the words: Paintings of all types), absent in that of 1913.

After a few pages, where he made comments on his own, Fels reproduced a conversation between Utrillo, his mother Suzanne Valadon (1865-1938) and her young husband André Utter (1886-1948), all painters. Suzanne Valadon remembered Van Gogh and the impact that his painting had on her [111]. André Utter interpreted Utrillo's wall painting [112]. Finally, Utrillo intervened to explain the reasons why he preferred painting the least-favoured neighbourhoods of Paris, and his difficulty in painting in nature [113].


Fig. 17) The German translation of de Vlamincks memoirs, entitled "Danger in advance" (1930)


Maurice de Vlaminck

The following pages [114] are the complete translation into English of Fels’ chapter on Maurice de Vlaminck (1876-1958) in the volume of Propos d'Artistes of 1925 (pages 189-201). That chapter was an expanded version of the text already published in Le Nouvelles Littéraires on 26 May 1923. Following the conventions of the book, the text in normal characters is what expressed the point of view of Fels, the one in italics is attributable to de Vlaminck. The style was strongly inspired by literary writing. In some cases the syntax was free. Some steps were strongly characterized by metaphorical expressions. In the case of controversial passages, I indicated the French text in the note. I would like to thank for any proposals for a better translation, if the need be.

***

Art is opposed to general ideas, it does not describe
if not what is individual. It does not desire if now what
is unique
Marcel Schwor

Vlaminck was born in Paris, in the district of Halles, Rue Pierre-Lescot, in the Decugis house, where one could buy supplies as well as exotic and first fruits, on April 4, 1876. His family is of Flemish origin.

For all those who love the zodiac, it may be interesting to know that Émile Zola was also born on April 4th.

The ladies of Les Halles, the blue-gray cabbage, the mighty women, the midwives, a little white glass at the inn's table, the smell of alcohol on the oranges, mixed with the aroma that sprinkles from the fruits and legumes of the Ile-de-France, common sense, energy in action [115].

Educated at Le Vésinet, where the rivers are made of cement [editor's note: Le Vésinet is a city-park on the Seine created in the mid-1800s, with an artificial system of 5 artificial lakes and waterways linking them, and with historicist or art nouveau style buildings. De Vlaminck spent there his childhood and adolescence up to the age of sixteen] and the grids are made of gold (Vlaminck painted them with minium to make bourgeois angry), where the vegetation of the gardens is composed of illuminated glass bubbles, and where aquatic fauna, red fishes, nougat are used to decorate houses with blind windows, towers, machicolated kitchens, crenellated toolshed, green benches, and iron seats on which you cannot sit, all bought in the Allez fréres department stores, and payable with the gift certificates of the Dufayel department stores [116].

A fantastic student of sad masters, his notes give us the picture: «Bad pupil, unruly, angry, exuberant, irritable. He does not know geography. He reconstructs history according to his mood and his common sense.»

His father was a musician. [Maurice] played the violin like a gipsy, almost without having studied it, and lived of it up to 35 years old, adding to his limited income sources what he was amassing from a few cycling racing championships.

The day when the Marquis Voillard came to purchase his «atelier» [editor's note: in March 1906, the merchant Ambroise Vollard bought all Vlaminck paintings for 1200 francs], when the wagon for the move had left, filled with all his canvases and of a table he had carved - sold lower than market price - he felt sorry to have deceived this «respectable person», even though he had yielded his works for a very modest sum, all in all [117].

Fig. 18) Maurice de Vlaminck, a further volume of memoirs entitled "Open belly" (1937)

His pleasure was to re-establish the landscape, observed in his days of free time and sentimental wandering, when at dawn - pushing the pedal with ease - he resumed work as if he was revitalized by the rising sun: the house with the blue rolling shutters that are late to open, the doors from which frightened characters come out, the newsagent, the messenger, the smell of the awakening grass, the trees that stretch out, the first cabaret room to open, the beautiful girl who struggles to wake up from her dream, the table covered with a waxed canvas with impressed images, bread, wine, sausage and all the appetite of the world.

He would never have wanted to live out of his painting. «I would have been afraid they would tell me: You're sturdy, you could have gone to work.» He has never ceased his work as gipsy violinist and his cyclist races, since he realized that although he had gained only a few hundred francs a month, that money did not enrich his merchant but could feed his wife and daughter.

Please do not be deceived by appearances. Vlaminck has more energy than what is attributed to him. One day, in a small tavern, some stupid people were mocking him. Near a weighing scale there were weights that very robust men were racing to lift. But no one could lift the weight of 50 pounds. Infuriated by being teased by these Sunday gigolos, Vlaminck stood up, approached the weights, and challenged those present to lift the heaviest. He, who in fact was well-trained to use dumbbells, pretended to have difficulty raising it, keeping others under control without showing it. Many of the strongmen made no other effort than to move the fifty pounds without lifting them, confident that he would not do more than they did. But with determination and ease, he first carried the weight to the shoulder height, then stretched his arms all straight, keeping the weight in his hand, and finally put it down again, holding his arms stretched. He returned to sit, without making a single comment.
Even in painting, Vlaminck does not always give everything. He still has a lot to say.

He expresses himself through painting, but also loves to offer his contemporaries annihilating anecdotes, comic poems, and common sense expressions. «How did you manage to write so many things?» somebody asked Voltaire. - «It was enough not to live in Paris», he answered. If Vlaminck can write and paint so much, it is because he has not been deterred from doing so either by worldly spectacles nor Paris. It is the countryman whom the chiromancers assign a role to change the course of things [118].

He is not an original man, he is a temper.

Vlaminck never considered painting as a wedding with a girl who carried him the dowry. Solid, powerful, he never thought about taking advantage of what he thought was a priceless and worthless thing, a pleasure. For human respect, «I would have preferred the daily gain of a manual profession rather than being the poor artist, the unconventional non-conformist, the beggar in disguise.»

Having painted for pure joy, he continues to work in this way, for his and our joy, sensitive to the tragedy and tenderness of the Parisian banlieue, to those landscapes that resemble the pleasure of Sunday, conjugal dramas and crime news. He is also a still-life painter, just like his ancestors, the Dutch.

His friend of youth, André Derain, once said: «Vlaminck, the most painter of all of us».

Painter of temperament, you will see what he thinks about the technique of the fourth dimension [editor's note: this is four-dimensional geometry. Henri Poincaré's essay on Science and Hypothèse, published in 1902, influenced all French contemporary art from Matisse and the Cubists] and various aesthetic concepts.

I'm a Northern man. I do not love the spirit, nor the light of the South, the Midi. I lived with Derain. In Martigues I was waiting for twilight to stand in front of the easel, and Derain commented: "You have come to Midi and, to paint, you wait until it looks like Chatou" [editor's note: near Paris where de Vlaminck moved since the age of sixteen and made his first works].

... One must have a good understanding of the classic. A classic is not the one who gathers and fits to what was once well done. The classic recreates the world for himself, just as it gives life. He does not deal with others, but cares of himself. The primitives created a world equal to what they were themselves, as they saw it following their vision and not on the basis of a model. The first man I loved was my father, but I did not think about him to produce a canvas or make a son. There is no other model than life. Do not make confusion between serving and being enslaved.

... There is no design, but someone's design. You draw like you talk. One is bad, another is confused. But I would never say, «It's badly drawn. » If I design in the spirit of Ingres, I do not draw Vlaminck’s, but Ingres’ drawings, and disagree with myself, I am not true.

The arm may be too long, the leg too short: if that expresses what is to be expressed, it is good that it is so. When you do a baby in nature, without knowing how to do it, you do not take an example. The work of art, simply art, is born when it possesses the medium, the gift: it is not the product of his own character, defects and qualities. Race, ancestry, pedigree are of primary importance for men as well as for animals. At the base of art there is instinct. Such a man, such a painting. The classic is the man who creates. Every time I make a canvas, it's as if I started all over again, all my work and even painting. Monsieur Ingres does not help me in my job. If I'm not able to create, I'm not an artist, but a copyst.

... For me, art cannot be, and art is not international. This is a utopia that poisons painting and literature. Art is local and individualistic, like a rose plant on its soil, an orange plant in a Mediterranean garden. You may well have international currencies, locomotives, homelands; an international army may occupy the moon; instead, there cannot be an international art. Likewise, there cannot be an international cuisine or medicine. You can acclimatize an orange plant in Norway, my children can go around the world; and yet the origin of life, which assigns a place to the human being or its work, is local. Painters dream too much of international merchants, they end up forgetting the main thing, painting. Father Rousseau, who did kindly and stupidly every little thing he had in his head, and who was born in a Vaugirard concierge, is known across the whole world. The Negro, in his case, near the woman who minces the couscous, is a work that is accepted in the great museums of Europe. Derain could paint no matter how, I could paint no matter what, he is Derain, I'm Vlaminck. But all those who have adopted an order have entered formal mechanisms and cannot change their way nor evolve. Emerson [perhaps Ralph Waldo Emerson (1803 -1882), American philosopher] said, "The work of a man is the fruit of his character." In painting as in life, I take all the responsibilities of my actions and my works. If I do bad things, it's not Rousseau's fault, it's mine, and I have no attenuating circumstances. Nothing obliges me to do painting. By doing it, I am taking responsibility and leave it neither to an aesthetic theorist nor to a merchant.

... Modern people think too often as architects. A phone call, you get cement from Portland, coal from the Ruhr, the fourth dimension from Poland. But in this way we do not get that small house that looks like us and it's a little bit different.

... There are too many men of letters who only aim at manipulating prizes. That is why I resigned from the Prix des Peintres Committee [Editor's note: Created in 1923 and not renewed. It was a prize that a group of painters assigned to a writer]. It's amazing how I'm loved by the writers after this famous award was inaugurated. My house is so invaded by literature that I find no more peace to work. If I had voted, it would be for a man I can evaluate because of his work. A despicable man cannot be a true artist. The works of Max Jacob, made of unattainable metaphors, disgust me, and Paul Morand who has no courage to use a grid, and Serge de Lenz, not even to use literature, day and night, caring only of his shiny boots [119]. There are also many young writers who may like me. But certainly not those with their culture being fed by chemical fertilizers, capable of achieving a literary prize in just two months as a simple driving license.

... We use negroes [the editor's note: African painting] as certain have used Delacroix or Ingres, instead of leaving them in their natural order. They can serve as an example, but not as an aesthetic concept. I owned the first blacks [editor's note: African paintings] that adorned an atelier. I still ask the question: "Why did they draw my attention at the same time as I was interested in Cézanne?" From Cézanne's order we passed to Cubism, to which African statuary added an elementary land justification. Now, Cézanne, the Negroes, are no longer sufficient. We will need new contributions, a new fertilizer, foreign values, which will run out too ... The day when makeshift means are lacking, hands are empty. A man faces the work he has to do, face to face. That's where you always have to start.

... If I had a child, I would like it to march through woods, to see - when he discover the nests - what is life, death; to check that he exists only for and because of what he is, and not according to appearances, which are chosen and classified in the manuals. I would never have the pretence of teaching him to see life, it would be as if one had taken sight away of him.

I never go to a museum. I flee its smell, monotony and severity. I find the same hatred of my grandfather when I cut school [120]. I strive to paint with all my strength without worrying about style.

In order to love my wife, I am never asking a friend how he actually love her own, nor I am asking what woman I should love, and I am never caring how men loved women in 1824. I love as a man, and not like a student or a professor.

I should not please anybody, except myself.

A priori styles like cubism, futurism, and so on. etc. leave me indifferent. I'm not a fashion designer, neither a doctor nor a science man.

I hate science. I ignore math, the fourth dimension, the golden section.

The Cubist uniform is, in my opinion, too militaristic and you know how little I am a «type of soldier». The barracks make me nervous and the Cubist discipline reminds me of my father's words: «The regiment will do you good! It will give you character».

I detest the word «classic» in the sense that it employs the public.

Crazy people frighten me. The rational, mathematical, cubist and scientific madness of August 4, 1914 [editor's note: the date of World War I] has cruelly demonstrated us the failure of idealism. I do not believe in strength. When you are strong, you are rich. When you are strong you are good. If you are weak, it is only good for cowardice.

... What I would like to say, shouting, is that our age is terribly devoid of common sense. And in the end, genius is a bit of common sense. We are forgetting elementary life. All this began before the war. I think this was the origin of the war. I always thought of the war as a Cubist accident. When you are capable of enduring a Cubist work, you are ready to admit war, the ultimate war, the legitimate war, etc. Even the communiqué was a cubist. Poincaré: [Raymond Poincaré, 1860-1934, President of the Republic during World War I]. Even his name is Cubist. «The more you retire, the more you win», Lieutenant Colonel Rousset said and Clemenceau stated, «Up to the last man, up to the last horse. » Up to the last point, up to the last line. The ultimate beauty, nothing. No more is seen. It's admirable.


... crisis of responsibility. Men have lost the capacity to say yes and say no, even when it comes to their existence. They dare nothing more. The art of our era? Art made of theories, metaphysical painting, where abstraction replaces sensitivity. Art lacking moral health, reduces everything to speculation, borrows from mathematics, geometry, twentieth century of culture, twentieth-century art that plunders the Negroes of Ivory Coast and devours the New Hebrides cannibals. In art, theories have the same utility as doctors' recipes: To believe in them, you must be sick.

... I do not go to the funeral, I do not dance on July 14 [Editor's note: National Holiday Day in France, Anniversary of the Bastille Ghetto], I do not bet on horses and do not manifest on the road. I love children.

Fig. 19) Maurice de Vlaminck, the last volume of memoirs entitled "Landscapes and figures", 1953
NOTES

[19] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, Paris, La Renaissance du livre, 1925, 215 pages.

[20] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 33

[21] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p 54

[22] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), pp. 195-196

[23] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 123

[24] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), pp. 49-51

[25] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), pp. 67-68

[26] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 93

[27] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 132

[28] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 199

[30] Fels, Florent, Vlaminck, Paris, Marcel Seheur, 1928, 205 pagine.

[31] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 14

[32] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 15

[33] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 16

[34] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 18

[35] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 18

[36] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 22

[37] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 23

[38] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 24

[39] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 25

[40] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 26

[41] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 27

[42] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 28

[43] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 33

[44] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 32

[45] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 32

[46] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 33

[47] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 34

[48] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 33

[49] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 34

[50] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 34

[51] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 37

[52] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 161

[53] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 161

[54] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), pp. 41-42

[55] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 43

[56] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 49

[57] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 50

[58] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 50

[59] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 51

[60] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 52

[61] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 56

[62] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 56

[63] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), pp. 56-57

[64] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 56

[65] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 59

[66] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 59

[67] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 59

[68] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), pp. 5-66

[69] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 69

[70] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), pp. 70-71

[71] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 68

[72] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 68

[73] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 68

[74] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 75

[75] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 76

[76] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 77

[77] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 78

[78] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), pp. 78-79

[79] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 91

[80] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 92

[81] Léger, Fernand - L'esthétique de la machine : l'objet fabriqué. L'artisan et l'artiste, in: Bulletin de l'effort moderne, January 1924, No. 1, pages 5-7.

[82] Léger, Fernand - L'esthétique de la machine: l'objet fabriqué, l'artisan et l'artiste, in "Sélection", Year 3, No. 4, February 1924, pages 374-382.

[83] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 103

[84] Westheim, Paul - Künstlerbekenntnisse: Briefe, Tagebücher, Betrachtungen heutiger Künstler, Berlin, Propyläen, 1923, 359 pagine.

[85] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 98

[86] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 99

[87] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistess, (quoted), pp. 101-102

[88] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), pp. 111-112

[89] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 117

[90] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 118

[91] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 116

[92] De Chirico, Giorgio - Il ritorno al mestiere, in “Valori Plastici”, Roma, anno I, n.11-12, novembre-dicembre 1919, pagine 15-19.

[93] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), pp. 126-127

[94] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 135

[95] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 136

[96] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), pp. 140-141

[97] Picasso, Pablo – Propos d'artistes, 1923

[98] De Zayas, Marius – Picasso speaks, in: The Arts, New York, May 1923, paged 315-326

[99] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 141

[100] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), pp. 141-142

[101] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 143

[102] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 157

[103] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 150 and following

[104] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 151

[105] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 154-155

[106] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 163

[107] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 164

[108] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 165

[109] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 166

[110] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 167

[111] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), p. 179

[112] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), pp. 180-181

[113] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), pp. 181-182

[114] Fels, Florent - Propos d'artistes, (quoted), pp. 189-201

[115] Les dames de la Halle, le gris bleu des choux, les forts, les commères, le coup de blanc au zinc, l’odeur d’éther des oranges, mêlée à l’arôme expirant des fruits et légumes de l’Ile-de-France, le bon sens, l’ardeur au travail.

[116] Élevé au Vésinet, où les rivières sont de ciment, les grilles d’or (Vlaminck les passait au minium pour embêter le bourgeois), où la végétation des jardins est de boules solaires, la faune aquatique, de poissons rouges, le nougat servant à fabriquer de maisons ornées de fausses fenêtres, de poivrières, de cuisines à mâchicoulis, de remises à outils garnies de créneaux, de bancs verts, de chaises de fer, sur lesquelles on ne peut s’asseoir, le tout de chez Allez frères, et payables en bons Dufayel.

[117] Le jour où le marchand Vollard vint lui acheter « son atelier », lorsque la voiture de déménagement chargée de ses toiles et d’une table qu’il avait sculptée – donnée par-dessus le marché – eut disparu ; il se reprocha d’avoir trompé « ce brave homme » en lui cédant ses ouvres pour une somme modique.

[118] C’est l’homme de la campagne auquel les chiromanciennes attribuent un rôle lorsqu’il fait faire tourner la chance.

[119] Si j’avais voté, c’eût été pour un homme que je pusse estimer à travers son œuvre. Un homme méprisable ne peut être un véritable artiste. Les œuvres de Max Jacob fabriquées à coup de métaphores invérifiables me dégoûtent, et Paul Morand qui n’a pas le courage de se servir d’une pince-monseigneur, Serge de Lenz de la littérature, de jour comme de nuit, a le cœur en bottines vernies.

[120] J’y retrouve les colères de mon grand-père quand je faisais l’école buissonnière. 


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