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mercoledì 19 aprile 2017

Francesco Mazzaferro. Lights and Shadows of the Two Versions of the Anthology "Artists on Art" by Hans Eckstein (1938 and 1954). Part Three


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Francesco Mazzaferro
Lights and Shadows of the Two Versions of the Anthology "Artists on Art" by Hans Eckstein (1938 and 1954)

Part Three

[Original Version: April 2017 - New Version: April 2019]

Fig. 34) Hans Heckstein in a picture of 1950 ca.
Source: http://www.digiporta.net/index.php?id=779567059



It is time to draw some conclusions, by answering the questions that we asked ourselves when we picked up the two volumes of 1938 and 1954.

(1) What was common and what was different in the two editions? The 1938 edition was restricted to German-speaking artists and architects, while the 1954 edition was open to the entire world. For the rest, the bottom lines were not substantially different in the two anthologies. In both of them, the cultural basis was the German culture of the beginning of the twentieth century. From the point of view of the theory of visual arts and architecture, the conclusions were substantially aligned. The introductory texts were basically written in the same style.

(2) Was there a direct link with the Soviet anthology of art history sources 1933-1939? Notwithstanding the identity of the titles and the common interest of the authors (Hans Eckstein and David Efimovic Arkin) for modern rationalist architecture, we did not find any direct evidence of contacts between the authors. Indeed, there were some important differences: the four-volume Soviet anthology did not contain sections devoted to architecture. In fact, the first Soviet anthology of writings by architects was released in 1953 [17].

(3) What was the relationship between Eckstein and the Nazi totalitarian regime? The author had the profile of an ‘internal immigrant’. He did not adhere to the regime, disregarded all its directives, but did not oppose direct resistance against it. He completely ignored in the anthology all motives of national-socialist rhetoric and aesthetics. He also included - albeit with great caution - references to artists whose art orientation was not in line with the regime (Marc, Corinth, Loos). Also the edition of 1954 - for its part - completely ignored Nazism.

(4) What was the relationship between Eckstein’s anthology and the previous ones? It was an ambiguous relationship, and plagiarism cannot be excluded. While Eckstein was in debt to Uhde-Bernays’s anthology, both in terms of the chosen artists, the specific selection of the letters, and last but not least the contents of the introduction, he never made any specific reference to him.

(5) Did Eckstein profit from the banning of Else Cassirer’s anthology of letters of nineteenth century artists? Probably, he did. When he returned to publications in Germany in 1938, after a few years of voluntary exile in Switzerland, he occupied a highly successful market niche in the German-speaking world, just as the main competitor was taken off the market by the Nazi authorities.

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We are displaying below the introductory texts to the anthology "Artists on Art" in the 1938 and 1954 versions. Specifically, they include the pages which Hans Eckstein placed at the beginning of the anthology, in order to justify the choice of texts and explain the core reasons of the work, as well as the introductory pages on architecture, discussing - on the basis of the chosen texts – its course during the nineteenth century (1938) and in the nineteenth and twentieth century (1954). We are displaying the texts in the following order:

Part three 
(i) general introduction, in the 1938 version;
(ii) general introduction, in the 1954 version;

Part four of this post
(i) introduction to the section on architecture, in the 1938 version;
(ii introduction to the section on architecture, in the 1954 version.

The parts in common between the two texts are highlighted in italics.


Hans Eckstein
Artists on art. Letters, reports, writings of German painters, sculptors and architects.
1938 Version.


Introduction (pages 7-16)

Any form, even the richest in feelings, has something not true; it alone is the lens through which we collect, once and for all, the sacred rays of nature, which spread to the hearts of men and light up their eyes. Goethe [Editor's note: quotation taken from the introduction to Goethe’s writing 'Aus Goethe Brieftasche', 1775]

We do not know what the masters of medieval cathedrals or the Bamberg sculptures, Stefan Lochner, Giotto, Grünewald or Veit Stoss thought about art and their creations. Even those letters from Mantegna, Durer, Raphael, Titian, Rubens and Rembrandt which have reached us today, have not given us any information to the point. They were, in most cases, business letters. Artists informed their clients about the progress and the efforts of their work, reaffirmed devotion to them, and finally celebrated, full of pride, the value of their products. Sometimes, as in the case of Michelangelo, they complained animatedly of customers’ whims. Or they lamented of being poorly paid, like when Durer was asked to paint a picture of Our Lady for only 400 guilders. "I immediately rejected, otherwise I would risk becoming a beggar. In fact, I intend to produce a large amount of simple paintings [note of the editor: gmeine Gmäll] in a year, many more than one might think it possible. And yet, to produce a quality painting [note of the editor: fleisig kleiblen] takes much longer...". Artists wrote on material aspects, tried occasionally to justify their interpretation of the theme, and also offered explanations on technical issues. They entrusted to the care of their clients the panels they had painted "with great zeal" and "with the best colours," as Durer wrote in a letter to the merchant Jacob Heller: "I know that you will keep the panel clean, and it will remain in good condition even in 500 years, since it was produced so as not to require that we should care: just do not touch it or pour holy water on him. I know that it will not be damaged, unless this does not happen intentionally to harm me ...".

Fig. 35) Albrecht Dürer, Self-portrait with landscape, 1498

Only in the eighteenth century and fully during the nineteenth century, art history sources became rich, very rich indeed. From them we can come to know the artists’ thoughts on art and the problems of artistic creation. Even in this era some of the greatest masters were silent or spread in their letters only limited observations on their work or on the problems of artistic creation in general. Others, however, published their thoughts, as Salomon Gessner or Josef Anton Koch, an artist who certainly liked to argue, or even as Schadow, Trübner or Hildebrand, a very clear thinker. Any artist who felt responsible for his talent could no longer make simple reference to luck to justify his creative faculties; he was forced, therefore, to deal consciously with traditional forms and address the problem of clarifying his creative activity; he indeed felt obliged to give explanation for the relationship between art and nature, between form and content, between art and the spirit of the time [n.d.r. Zeitgeist] and to take a position on the question of what in art could be the subject of teaching and learning. It applied to nineteenth-century artists what Karl Stauffer-Bern wrote: "Cognition is the first condition and the so-called 'making art without having thought' [n.d.r. naive Künstlertum] really exists only in novels."

Medieval art was a craft like any other, and the laws that the artist consciously followed were craft rules. The artist was not aware of any other rules, of a 'style', a two-way relationship between subject and object, of a conception and sensory expression. Even a so much reasoning artist as Dürer knew nothing of the internal rules of art creation. He aimed at the theoretical goal of creating an exact method; on the basis of geometry shapes and linear perspective, in fact, he wanted to realize his ideal of an objective beauty, independent of 'opinions'. He certainly did not deal with the relationship between creative idea and sensory perception, which was later the focus of the epistemological or psychological reflection of Marées and Hildebrand. Likewise, as the theorist of Italian Renaissance Leon Battista Alberti and Leonardo, also Dürer wanted to fix a certain relationship between object and image, against the scientific background of linear perspective, and therefore also in this case with a view to define a rule. The difference compared to craft rules and the art doctrine of medieval proportions consisted exclusively of the mathematical exactness with which the depth of the space effect was defined. In respect of nature, Renaissance artists still revealed a lack of reflection. They were not aware of the existence of a regular relationship between form and object and of an immanent rule of origin and development [n.d.r. Wachstumgesetz] of creative expression. The famous and much-quoted sentence by Durer "So, in truth, art is in nature – only those who snatch art from nature can own it" was definitely conceived in a less profound way than it is often interpreted.  

Fig. 36) Albrecht Dürer, Self-portrait with fur, 1500

Only towards the end of the eighteenth century artists began to theorize not only on rules, but also on the creative process itself and the essence and the meaning of art. Classicism was still a prisoner of Winckelmann’s aesthetic dogmatism and the dialectic of enlightenment. Winckelmann believed that the ultimate goal of all arts was to find the "beautiful", to generate something more beautiful than nature and especially to convey a meaningful content: "All arts - Winckelmann said - have a double ultimate goal: they must please and at the same time teach." The ultimate measure of judgment was taste - which is the least suitable criterion for art: already Latins said De gustibus non est disputandum (you shall not discuss about taste) - and they did it with this justification: if you did discuss taste, you would always have to defend any lack of good taste.

Fig. 37) Joseph Karl Stieler, Portrait of Goethe, 1828

The aesthetic concept of Goethe was certainly defined by Winckelmann’s aesthetics, but his genius of researcher broke the chains of dogma: he paid homage to the classical taste, but gained the most profound visions when he investigated mutual relations between nature and art. He recognized the wonder of all fine arts in the secret of the inseparable union between art and nature: "Nature and art seemed to want to get away from each other, but they found themselves sooner than you would think." Goethe said to Eckermann: "An artist has a dual relationship with nature: he is both his master and his slave. He is his slave since he must act with earthly tools in order to be understood. However, he is his master to the extent that he subjects such earthly tools to his highest intentions and puts them in their service. An artist wants to speak to the world through an entire [n.d.r. ein Ganzes]; however, he does not find this entire in the nature, but it is the fruit of his own spirit, or, if you will, of the presence of a fruitful divine breath."

Goethe saw, in a completely conscious way, the opposition between art and nature and at the same time the affinity of the created form and natural structure, of the internal and external appearance of the image, which are attracting each other, and becoming something single in the work of art: "There is something incomprehensibly regular in objects, something that matches the incomprehensibly regular in the subject." He spoke of an "exact sensory fantasy, without which in reality it would be impossible to make any art." These were concepts that went far beyond the dogmatic aesthetics of the antique classical world and the artistic rules of Renaissance.

Fig. 38) Paul Cézanne, Self-portrait, 1883-1887

The awareness of this mysterious relationship between internal image and external appearance is the foundation of the creative problem and the artistic consciousness of the nineteenth century, the reflections by Marées and Cézanne on the creative process, and the art theory of Fiedler and Hildebrand. A conversation with Cézanne reported by Joachim Gasquet, dwelling on the subject, originated from the same awareness or insight of the immanent laws of origin and development of creative expression. Here is the quotation, as translated and published in the "Treatise on the beautiful" by Alois Riegl. Compare the German version of 'Gasquet- Cézanne', translated by Elsa Glaser, Berlin, 1930, page 101): "The painter lives in parallel to nature. If only he did not interfere through his will! His will must be silent. He should put to rest all his views, forget them, forget them. Speaking no word, he must become a perfect echo. In this way the landscape will write itself on his canvas. Craft may possibly be added, but only with full respect, ready to obey. Even when the artist understands well his language, he must have no conscience to translate the text that deciphers, or rather the two parallel texts: the external one, i.e. nature like one may feel it, and the internal one, in his head. Both have to become one single thing, to be able to endure, and have to be part of a single life, half-divine, half-human, or of the life of the art and God. The landscape is reflected, is humanized, is thought in me. You recently told me about Kant - of course, I am speaking as a layman - but it seems to me as if I were the subjective consciousness of the landscape and the painting its objective consciousness. My canvas, the landscape, are both outside of me. But I'm not an academic scholar. No theories, just works!"

Fig. 39) Paul Cézanne, The road, about 1871

It was especially romanticism that created awareness of the opposition and interaction of spirit and nature, art and nature, me and everything. And above all, starting from it, what in earlier times it had been possible to leave, without any danger, under the barrier of the unconscious, suddenly appeared, as a whole, as an explicit problem. But there were aspects which paralyzed the creative activity of the romantics too and directly weakened their sensory strength. It was neither the awareness of rules governing artistic creation nor the reflections on the perception of regular relationships between art and nature. There were two other reasons, interrelated among others: the intention to vehicle, through art, intellectual contents and superior ideas, as it had already happened with Enlightenment and Neoclassicism; and the desire to disclose their impulses through a thematic material transfigured by a retrograde nostalgia. Just as it had happened to the neoclassical, even the romantics saw the intrusion of ideas which interposed themselves between the capacity of the senses and the creative force. These ideas were not observed through the 'internal eye', were not ideas 'parallel to nature', but were the result of a separate conceptual product. That is how the taste for the convoluted, the addiction to fantasy, to allegory and symbolism prevailed at least on sensory strength. As it had already happened to classicism, art ceased to be a global force that knew itself how to independently create and personify forms. It became a servant who acted as a mediator to "ideas", and thoughts on culture and cultural heritage. The details that gave nineteenth century art - in particular to the German one - its bipartite face and consequently led to the separation between art and spirit of the time already dated back to the years around 1800. They diversified conceptual art [note ofthe editor: Gedankenkunst] on the one hand and realistic art [note of the editor: Wirklichkeitskunst] on the other. Schiller referred to the danger of this division already in a letter to Goethe of 14 September 1797 (see quotation on page 43) .

Fig. 40) Carl Julius von Leypold. Hiker in the Storm, 1835
Fig. 41) Alfred Menzel, Flute concert of Frederick II in Sanssouci, 1850
Fig. 42) Franz von Lenbach, Italian Boys, 1859
Fig. 43) Friedrich Gunkel, The battle in the Teutoburg forest, 1862-1864 (lost during World War II)

“Conceptual art", with its variant of history painting, was generally the most successful genre with the public. Paradoxically, in the second half of the century this bond with the ideal content increasingly led to a separation between art and public, as well as between art and time spirit. The opposition between historicist conceptualization of history painting and love for the immediacy of realist art evolved into an opposition between non-art [note of the editor: Unkunst] and art. The art that was idealistic on the basis of its own content, but naturalist (or eclectic) in form, was therefore a non-art without any 'eternal' value which could be preserved; to the contrary, the art which was condemned by the public because of its natural content, its truth and closeness to reality was the real idealist art, the 'eternal' art. The art that used to be celebrated as 'great' has by now become part of the past, along with the time to which it was linked without any relation to eternity. To the contrary, the art that was then rather misunderstood - and that seemed alien to the life and spirit of the time - has taken over by now the role of true art in our consciousness, that truly great art this century brought us. And its creators are our greatest masters. This reversal of evaluation did not take place only in Germany. It also happened in France. Both here and there the natural connection of art with life as a whole [note of the editor: das Lebensganze] was first attenuated and then overwhelmed and destroyed.

In truth, the division between art and time spirit was only apparent: it was a separation that occurred exclusively on the surface. One could therefore better say that a differentiation took place between deeper and surface layers of our lives. This gap, however, determined the destiny of art, and isolated every artist who did not want to put his talents at the service of opportunity. Artists became defenders of art and its independence; they defended it not only with their own works, but also with writings and speeches. They did not only manifest a desire for liberty; they managed to get for themselves a freedom which was at the same time full of pride and dangers. For artists, theory became a weapon to be used not only to defend themselves, but also to establish a secure point of view of their own, both for themselves and their art and to assign the subjective to superior spiritual contexts.

It was like this that modern artists - some more than others, depending on their inner need and their personal attitude - consciously sought to scrutinize the laws of artistic creation, the mysterious relationship between art and nature, between form and subject, between what was contemplated inside and what appeared outside, between art and spirit of the time, etc. As a theorist, the artist also became an educator teaching how to see art.

Fig. 44) Hans von Marées, Self-portrait (left) with Franz von Lenbach (right), 1863
Fig. 45) Hans von Marées, Self-portrait (centre) with Adolf von Hildebrand (right) and Charles Grant (left), 1873
Fig. 46) Adolf von Hildebrand, Bust of Konrad Fiedler, 1874-1875
Fig. 47) Hans Thoma, Portrait of Konrad Fiedler, 1884

The young discipline of art history, which had become popular due to Franz Kugler and Jacob Burckhardt, and the research on art theory owed much to artists, not only for stating their personal attempts and goals, and the artists' subjective conception, but also for the creative process in general. While artists in the neoclassical era had shown too willing to follow scholars and emulated a concept of literary beauty, this relationship was reversed: the great masters of art became the guiding references of scholars. With the simple words, which they found while reflecting on their artistic work, they offered insights on the process giving rise to the origin and development of the creative expression. These insights were often deeper than the whole aesthetics, when it arbitrarily identified art with the beautiful or raised questions about taste, but not on artistic forms.

This is the perspective according to which we collected here letters, passages from memoirs and other documents of this volume. They must not only document and show the state or progress of culture, spirit and art history. The historical point of view, on the contrary, took second place. Nor did we want to recall the individuality of the artists as such; if we had wanted to emphasize the personal element, other documents, different from those chosen here, would have better highlighted them. What we wanted to do is to give the floor to the artists themselves in order to explain the creative process. Artists devote to it the whole passion of their hearts. For it they engage their "full and complete existence" [note of the editor: ganz Volles Dasein], even without prospect of success, by simply following the voice of their inner precept, in full awareness of theirs responsibility towards art.

Artists prefer then to accept the disavowal and the mockery of their contemporaries and the most abject poverty, rather than betraying their genius.

The work of art itself, i.e. the language of the created form, is always more valuable and important than the artist's thoughts on his creation. Even the most intelligent and profound word on art is less important than the eye's ability to capture sensations and - in the very act of seeing - to produce the created form. The significant word is only an indirect mediator. If even the seeing eye does not know how to read and translate all the artist's words in the artist's direct language, those words remain a dead letter. And yet what the artist says when he uses the language of thought, can certainly help to introduce us his works, clarify the meaning of their form and thus make our eye more receptive.

And thus our collection of letters and writings of German artists could also be called a guide to art. It would be succeeded in the task that we assigned to it, if it had given an impetus to look at the art works more with the eye of the artists, which means from an artistic point of view, i.e. to observe art starting from its core.

Fig. 48) Franz Marc, Deer in the wood, version II, 1912

Generally, we are well prepared to denounce the social conditions, from which art and artists suffered in the nineteenth century: the lack of participation in a full and successful life [note ot he editor: Lebensganze]; the split that resulted between an art for a few connoisseurs and an art for a wider audience, which however found in his time only the support of surface currents and then disappeared along with the time that it represented; the absence of a real monumentality in architecture, painting and sculpture and the lack, which was a direct consequence of it, of the unified action of the arts, which so much surprised, instead, those who considered the history of art in the past. We are complaining that modern artists produced too much theory; therefore. many think that their creative force suffered because of their intellectualism. And it is indeed true that, in most recent times, art and artists exceeded in conceptual aberrations or in the chaos of feelings, and even in the nightly and demonic atmosphere of the subconscious. To get to create the purest forms, it was believed that it was possible to do it without the object. It was even intended to directly represent the internal process of creation. To this end, it was not about representing a hen, "but [note of the editor: as written by Franz Marc] the image that materialises in the eyes of the little hen when immersed in water: the thousand circles that fringe each little animal, the blue of the whispering sky (which is drunk from the lake), and the rapid re-emerging in another place." The artist became a metaphysician: he wanted to represent not a dog, but the 'essence ' of a dog, not a deer, but what "the deer feels.” Like a monkey, the artist tried to grab things behind the mirror. If the social and spiritual structure of the nineteenth century made these phenomena possible, the sterility of the subsequent artistic "isms", and their futile love for difficult and deep concepts, were not a necessary consequence of the art of their time. Such art, in fact, declared itself independent not for arbitrary reasons, but because of a deep sense of unease. Michelangelo was not responsible for the mannerism of their successors. Those periods of the nineteenth century, whose weakness was so often emphasized, witnessed however an enormous wealth of talent and artistic forms. It is not true that all earlier ages were so rich in genes and good art. And it is completely false that the awareness on artistic issues made us poorer. On the contrary, such awareness gave us extraordinary things, because it transformed the simple artistic taste into happy insights.

Fig. 49) The Last Judgment, Tympanum of the portal of the principles, Bamberg Cathedral, 1230
Fig. 50) The statues of Ecclesia and Synagogue, from the portal of the cathedral of Strasbourg, XIII Century

Indeed, knowledge is not a condition for the production of good art. The sculptures in cathedrals in Bamberg and Naumburg, the figures of Ecclesia and Synagogue in the Strasbourg Cathedral, the Chartres and Reims sculptures were the work of 'ignorant' artisans of medieval sites. But the reason why this art was so excellent is that it was created to serve the church. The awareness of being at the service of the deity certainly gave the moral energies to the creators and facilitated their role. No art, however, simply can draw origin from religion and feelings; for this reason, even sentiment is never enough to understand art. Every art form is art only through itself. Michelangelo - in great advance compared to the opinion of his times - said: "All true art is devoted thanks to itself". So then as now, the thematic content generated the natural link of art with the needs of people in wider strata, and will always continue to be the link between art and life. Although the medieval creator spoke then only as a good craftsman, in fact he always implied the artistic element, the method, the created form, the core and the alpha and omega of all art forms. The artisan element cannot in fact be disconnected from the artistic one. The actual artistic element can only manifest itself in what is called technique and craft: art is spiritual and ingenious craftsmanship. Although the medieval creator did not know it, he did nothing else but what modern artists still do: he put his creative concept into practice, joined its internal image to the outward appearance, created that wonderful and mysterious something, which we do not know how to express in words. And yet, we can observe and experience his form. The fact that the modern creator knows, while the medieval did not know, is the effect of fate, of history, but it is not based on a difference in the creative process; and likewise it does not presuppose a difference of types of art or the creative quality level. We do not know how the medieval man looked at art and whether it was happier to know nothing about the immanent laws of creation. The nostalgia for lost paradises is not productive. Awareness can, however, become such an advantage to the point it can silence such nostalgia. The views of modern artists allow those who contemplate art also to discover a more direct way to understand past art, compared to the one which goes through the historical knowledge about the world of the spirit and the conditions of time and space, from which art arose.

To consider artworks regardless of historical knowledge does not imply restricting the examination to formal-artistic aspects only. Similarly, the attitude of nineteenth-century artists, like Marées or Leibl, was not limited to pure creative actions. Since art is the unification of opposites. The great nineteenth-century artists defended the unity of form and content, not the artistic element by itself, against meta-artistic claims of their time. They did not want to eject the figurative and shy away from any connection with pre-established forms in nature. They did not practice the art of denial, or abstract art, but the absolute art, which made visible the eternal and divine law, confirming in every specific case a representation of reality: in any particular situation, whatever form of art is always searching for the totality of existence. 'What is general? It is the individual case.'


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Hans Ekstein
Artists on art. Letters and writings of painters, sculptors and architects
1954 Version

Introduction (pages 5-9)

Fig. 51) Phidias, Athena Lemnia (Ancient Roman marble copy)
Fig. 52) Smiling Angel, Cattedrale di Reims, 1236 et 1245

We do not know what the masters of medieval cathedrals or the Reims sculptures, Phidias and Praxiteles, Stefan Lochner, Giotto, Grünewald or Veit Stoss thought about art and their creations. Even those letters from Mantegna, Dürer, Raphael, Titian, Rubens and Rembrandt which have reached us today, have not given us any information to the point. They were, in most cases, business letters. Artists informed their clients about the progress and the efforts of their work, reaffirmed devotion to them, and finally celebrated, full of pride, the value of their products. Sometimes, as in the case of Michelangelo, they complained animatedly of customers’ whims. Or they lamented of being poorly paid, like when Dürer was asked to paint a picture of Our Lady for only 400 guilders. "I immediately rejected, otherwise I would risk becoming a beggar. In fact, I intend to produce a large amount of simple paintings [note of the editor: gmeine Gmäll] in a year, many more than one might think it possible. And yet, to produce a quality painting [note of the editor: fleisig kleiblen] takes much longer ... ". Artists wrote on material aspects, tried occasionally to justify their interpretation of the theme, and also offered explanations on technical issues. They entrusted to the care of their clients the panels they had painted "with great zeal" and "with the best colours," as Durer wrote in a letter to the merchant Jacob Heller: "I know that you will keep the panel clean, and it will remain in good condition even in 500 years, since it was produced so as not to require that we should care: just do not touch it or pour holy water on him. I know that it will not be damaged, unless this does not happen intentionally to harm me ...".

Fig. 53) Eugène Delacroix, Liberty Leading the People, 1830
Fig. 54) Max Liebermann, Two horse riders on the beach, 1901
Fig. 55) Paul Signac, The Port of Saint-Tropez, 1901
Fig. 56) Piet Mondrian, Tableau I, 1921

Only in the nineteenth and twentieth century, art history sources became rich. From them we can come to know the artists’ thoughts on art and the problems of artistic creation. Even in this era some of the greatest masters were silent or spread in their letters only limited observations on their work or on the problems of artistic creation in general. Others, however, published essays, programmatic texts and statements, like Delacroix or Josef Anton Koch, Wilhelm Trübner, Hildebrand, Liebermann, Signac, Kandinskij, Mondrian. The eloquence of artists made clear that the pleasure-of 'making art without having thought' [note of the editor: das Glück naiven Bildens] became a rarity. Artists indeed felt obliged to give explanation for the relationship between art and nature, between form and content, between art and the spirit of the time [note of the editor: Zeitgeist]. They had to reflect on the question of what in art could be the subject of teaching and learning. It applied to nineteenth-century artists what Karl Stauffer-Bern wrote: "Cognition is the first condition and the so-called 'making art without having thought' [note of the editor: naive Künstlertum] really exists only in novels."

Antique and middle age artists were craftsmen, and the laws that they consciously followed were craft rules. The artist was not aware of any other rules, of a 'style', a two-way relationship between subject and object, of a conception and sensory expression. In respect of nature, Renaissance artists still revealed a lack of reflection. Their thoughts were concentrated on the definition of a normalized relationship between the object and its representation, which would combine the rules of proportion and perspective construction. Artists were not aware of the existence of a regular relationship between form and object and of an immanent rule of origin and development [n.d.r. Wachstumgesetz] of creative expression. The famous and much-quoted sentence by Durer "So, in truth, art is in nature – only those who snatch art from nature can own it" was definitely conceived in a less profound way than it is often interpreted.

Classicism was still a prisoner of Winckelmann’s aesthetic dogmatism and the dialectic of enlightenment. Winckelmann believed that the ultimate goal of all arts was to find the "beautiful", to generate something more beautiful than nature and especially to convey a meaningful content: "All arts - Winckelmann said - have a double ultimate goal: they must please and at the same time teach."

Goethe’s genius of researcher broke the chains of dogma. He recognized the wonder of all fine arts in the secret of the inseparable union between art and nature: "Nature and art seemed to want to get away from each other, but they found themselves sooner than you would think." Goethe said to Eckermann: "An artist has a dual relationship with nature: he is both his master and his slave. He is his slave since he must act with earthly tools in order to be understood. However, he is his master to the extent that he subjects such earthly tools to his highest intentions and puts them in their service. An artist wants to speak to the world through an entire [note of the editor: ein Ganzes]; however, he does not find this entire in the nature, but it is the fruit of his own spirit, or, if you will, of the presence of a fruitful divine breath."

With a different awareness from Renaissance artists, Goethe saw in a completely conscious way the opposition between art and nature and at the same time the affinity of the created form and natural structure, of the internal and external appearance of the image, which are attracting each other, and becoming something single in the work of art: "There is something incomprehensibly regular in objects, something that matches the incomprehensibly regular in the subject." He spoke of an "exact sensory fantasy, without which in reality it would be impossible to make any art."

Fig. 57) Juan Gris, Pitcher, Bottle and Glass, 1911
Fig. 58) Vasilij Kandinskij, Concerning the Spiritual in Art, 1912

The process which led to recognise this mysterious relationship between internal image and external appearance is the foundation of the creative problem and the artistic consciousness of the nineteenth and twentieth century: the reflections by Marées and Cézanne on the creative process, the art theory of Fiedler and Hildebrand, and also neo-impressionism (which systematized the development of Impressionism and its instinctive application), analytical cubism, the treatise "Concerning the Spiritual in Art", Mondrian and Doesburg’s theories on composition.

Joachim Gasquet reported a conversation on the topic with Cézanne: the latter defined the artist as a container of emotions, a machine recording them. In his view, artworks would lose their value, if also the will of the artist came into play. Gasquet asked: So, for you, is the artist less important than nature? And Cézanne tried to explain his thoughts as follows: “The painter is not inferior to nature. The painter lives in parallel to nature. If only he did not interfere through his will! His will must be silent. He should put to rest all his views, forget them, forget them. Speaking no word, he must become a perfect echo. In this way the landscape will write itself on his canvas. Craft may possibly be added, but only with full respect, ready to obey. Even when the artist understands well his language, he must have no conscience to translate the text that deciphers, or rather the two parallel texts: the external one, i.e. nature like one may feel it, and the internal one, in his head. Both have to become one single thing, to be able to endure, and have to be part of a single life, half-divine, half-human, or of the life of the art and God. The landscape is reflected, is humanized, is thought in me. You recently told me about Kant - of course, I am speaking as a layman - but it seems to me as if I were the subjective consciousness of the landscape and the painting its objective consciousness. My canvas, the landscape, are both outside of me. But I'm not an academic scholar. No theories, just works!"

After Goethe, it was especially romanticism that created awareness of the opposition and interaction of spirit and nature, art and nature, me and everything. And above all, starting from it, what earlier times had been possible to leave without any danger under the barrier of the unconscious, suddenly appeared, as a whole, as an explicit problem. Starting from this moment, this led to the separation between art and spirit of the time: conceptual art [note of the editor: Gedankenkunst] on the one hand and realistic art [note of the editor: Wirklichkeitskunst] on the other. This gave to XIX century art its bipartite face and consequently led to the separation between art and spirit of the time. In “conceptual art” prevailed the passion for the convoluted, the addiction to fantasy, to allegory and symbolism.

With its variant of history and genre painting, conceptual art was generally the most successful one with the public. The art that was idealistic on the basis of its own content, but naturalist (or eclectic) in form, was therefore a half-art without any 'eternal' value, which could be preserved; to the contrary, the art which was condemned by the public because of its natural content, its truth and closeness to reality was the real idealist art, the 'eternal' art. It was therefore not only the art whose form was separated from contents, to remain misunderstood.

In truth, the division between art and time spirit was only apparent: it was a separation that occurred exclusively on the surface. One could therefore better say that a differentiation took place between deeper and surface layers of our lives. This gap, however, determined the destiny of art, and isolated every artist who did not want to put his talents at the service of opportunity. The 'misunderstood' artist and the 'cultural misunderstanding', whose motives and effects have been studied by Franz Roh in a really worth reading study, were not only an image of the nineteenth century. In this period, however, there was no great master who had not to suffer from the misunderstanding of his art. This is why artists often presented themselves, in written texts and oral discussions, such as the defenders of art in general and their own art specifically and sometimes also as accusers of their contemporaries. Word and theory became a weapon for them and served to establish a defined point of view. As theorists, artists also became educators teaching how to see art.

Art history and the research on art theory owed much to artists, not only for stating their personal attempts and goals, and the artists' subjective conception, but also for the process creative in general. While artists in the neoclassical era had shown too willing to follow scholars and emulated a concept of literary beauty, this relationship was reversed: the great masters of art became the guiding references of scholars. With the simple words, which they used to explain their work, they offered insights on the process giving rise to the origin and development of the creative expression. These insights were often deeper than the whole aesthetics, when it arbitrarily identified art with the beautiful or raised questions about taste, but not on artistic forms.

Letters, passages from memoirs and other documents of this volume must not document and show the state or progress of culture, spirit and art history. Nor did we want to recall the individuality of the artists as such; if we had wanted to emphasize the personal element, other documents, different from those chosen here, would have better highlighted them. What we wanted to do is to give the floor to the artists themselves in order to explain the creative process, for which artists – as Marées said –  engage their "full and complete existence" [note of the editor: ganz Volles Dasein], even without prospect of success, by simply following the voice of their inner precept.

And thus this collection of statements of artists on art would have succeeded in the task that we assigned to it, if it had given an impetus to look at the art works more with the eye of the artists, which means from an artistic point of view, i.e. to observe art starting from its core.

End of Part Three
Go to Part Four 


NOTES

[17] Мастера советской архитектуры об архитектуре. Киев, 1953. Si veda: http://www.twirpx.com/file/745678/

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