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lunedì 27 febbraio 2017

Francesco Mazzaferro. Count Benedetto Giovanelli von Gerstburg - Archaeology and erudition in the Italian Tyrol during the first half of the nineteenth century. Part Two


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Francesco Mazzaferro
Count Benedetto Giovanelli von Gerstburg -
Archaeology and erudition in the Italian Tyrol during the first half of the nineteenth century

Part Two


Fig. 9) Giulio Serafini, Portrait of Benedetto Giovanelli, undated (but after 1812).
Source: https://www.academia.edu/15515369/_Alla_scuola_del_celebre_Canova_prime_indagini_sullo_scultore_Salvatore_de_Carlis
The writings of Count Benedetto Giovanelli on the fine arts were much less far-reaching than those on the ancient history and the archaeological remains of Trent and the Italian Tyrol. In this post we are listing three of them: a letter to Canova 1806 and two manuscripts dated 1832 and 1833.


The letter addressed to Canova, in order to commend the sculptor Salvatore de Carlis (1806) 

Fig. 10) Antonio Canova, Funerary monument to Maria Christina of Austria, 1798-1805

In 1805, the thirty years old Giovanelli visited Vienna, where he met Canova who was in the imperial capital to complete the tomb of Maria Christina of Austria. The count from Trent was accompanied by a member of the noble family Sizzo de Noris; the Giovanellis and the Sizzos represented the cream of Trent nobility of Habsburg legacy. A year later, on September 18, 1806, the Count wrote to Canova a letter to commend the Trent sculptor Salvatore de Carlis (1785-1825). The text of the letter was published in 2010 by the Trent art historian Roberto Panchieri [27].

Here is the text: “My Cavalier and my most honourable Master, The kindness with which your illustrious Lordship was pleased to welcome me, when I had the fortune to visit you in Vienna in company of the Count Sizzo, raised in me the courage to recommend you once again the young sculptor de Carlis, my compatriot. He already had the honour of making your personal acquaintance, and so being, I think your illustrious Lordship is also persuaded that he would be worthy of your protection. He thinks in fact to seriously engage in the study of sculpture, and I am sure that his natural talent (already ignited by the desire of perfection and aided by the advices of Your Illustrious Lordship) will be so successful that – once he will finish the course of his studies – the name of Alessandro Vittoria will not be anymore the only one of our compatriots in the number of good sculptors. Since the commended young man is without a fortune, some friends have joined me to annually administer the dim sum of eighty five Roman Shields. Illustrious Lordship, according to the permission you granted me in Vienna, he will receive that money from your hands, and will assign them to his real needs according to your guidance. If you were so kind – besides this favour that Your Illustrious Honour is doing to this young man, and his friends – to also accept him in one of your academies under your direction, I would consider him very privileged. His homeland, his friends and I above all would be so glad and so grateful to you. Please pardon me for the trouble, which I dared bring you, confirming the true esteem and respect with which I have the honour of addressing your Lordship. The most devoted and obliged servant of your illustrious Lordship, Benedetto Count Giovanelli.”

From the text, it is clear that Giovanelli has already collected funds for the young artist among the wealthy families of Trent, to make it possible that he can support himself financially for the studies outside the town. The money, however, was entrusted by Benedetto in the hands of Canova, to ensure it would be wisely spent. Canova was also asked to welcome the young man in one of his ateliers. It was actually a smart way to pay directly the master for the training costs. The letter also confirms that the 'cult' which the Count had for Alessandro Vittoria - the Trent sculptor par excellence, to whom he will dedicate a writing twenty-five years later - was already alive in Giovanelli in the early nineteenth century. De Carlis will move to Rome, where he will be active in the workshop of Canova ("one of your academies"). His most famous work testifies to the neoclassical style of the time: it is a bust of Winckelmann, which was commissioned by the royal house of Bavaria (which the entire Tyrol - including Trent - was annexed to in 1806, before joining the Kingdom of Italy in 1810). The bust was stored until 1840 in the Glyptotek in Munich, in the section on contemporary sculptors (along with works by Canova, Thorvaldsen, Schadow and Rauch) [28].

Fig. 11) Salvatore de Carlis, Bust of Johannes Winckelmann, 1808


The manuscript 1262 at the Innsbruck library

Except for the brief letter to Canova, the first texts of Giovanelli on the fine arts are included in a manuscript dated 1832 and preserved in the Library of the Ferdinandeum of Innsbruck with the code ms. 1261 and the title Verschiedene historisch-topographische Nachrichten aus Tirol (Several historical topographical records from Tyrol). They are three texts addressed to the Baron Andreas Di Pauli (1761-1839), a high Tyrolean magistrate and president of the Museum of Innsbruck. Some additional information on them is included in the 1937 anthology by Giulio Benedetto Emert [29] entitled “Fonti manoscritte inedite per la storia dell’arte nel Trentino” (Unpublished manuscript sources for the history of art of the Trent province). Emert quoted K. Schwarz, the conservator of the library in Innsbruck still in the nineteenth century, who wrote that the three texts included in Giovanelli’s manuscript 1262 were dated "between January and October 1832; the first of them brings some news on the carved wooden choir of the Inviolata in the town of Riva; the second concerns Master Francesco di Sardo of Trent, a Trent painter who - according to Carli (History of Verona, 1736, p. 117) - worked in Verona in the early fifteenth century; finally, the third one includes some news on Scolari, a Trent medallist of the first sixteenth century, and other less notable information on the painters Dossi, with a mention of the work they did in the series of the frescoed bishops in the Buonconsiglio Castle, restored and repainted in the late eighteenth century by the painter Zeri from Riva [30].  All in all, the manuscript 1262 seems to be focused on parochial phenomena and, if I may, very much concentrated on little-known artists (with the exception of the Dossis) out of the territory of origin.


The manuscript 1261 and the “Notable paintings in Trento, as seen in the year 1833

A second manuscript, dated 1833 and marked 1261, is also kept in the Ferdinandeum Library. It is entitled "Dipinti ragguardevoli in Trento veduti nell’anno 1833" (Notable paintings in Trento, as seen in the year 1833). The entire text was published by the Trent-born jurist and historian Francesco Menestrina (1872-1961) [31] in 1904, and then by Emert in his aforementioned anthology [32], who took note that even Schlosser had overlooked the text.

Fig. 12) Marcello Fogolino, Charlemagne enthroned, ca. 1528. Trento, Buonconsiglio Castle

The 1833 manuscript, however, was actually a simple list of paintings and frescoes, viewed in public and private buildings in the city. It is likely that, as also Emert said, the Count wanted to use this compilation to work out later on some more comprehensive writing on the painting in Trent (or an artistic guide of the city). Following the same method pioneered for Roman inscriptions, he might have wished to draw inspiration from those artworks to widen his view to the history and the geography of the area. And yet, most likely, this was made difficult by his insufficient knowledge of art history: while Giovanelli was clearly an expert in issues of epigraphy, offering his own original interpretation of the text of the steles, showing great familiarity with the collections of Roman antiquities and knowing by heart the Latin literature, his weakness on Renaissance painting (including the one in Trent) was remarkable.




  


Figures 13-16) Marcello Fogolino, The four ovals with scenes of the life of Julius Caesar, 1533. Trent, the Great Palace in the Buonconsiglio Castle, Earthly house of the Low tower.

Here are some examples. In addition to the frescoes by Romanino and the Dossi brothers, the Great Palace of the Buonconsiglio Castle hosted a cycle by Marcello Fogolino (born in 1483/1488 ca. – dead after 1558) with episodes of Julius Caesar’s life (in four ovals), portraits of emperors (in fourteen arches) and figures of women (in fourteen ovals). He was a mannerist painter now considered of second order, and much influenced by the other artists who were present with their frescoes in the castle. Still, he was an artist who worked a lot in Trent in those years. In addition to the frescoes on the first floor of the Great Palace, he also left some murals in palaces and on the facades of several patrician houses of the city centre. Well, Fogolino was not mentioned at all in Giovanelli’s manuscript. This is what the lord mayor wrote about the cycle of frescoes on Julius Caesar’s life: "In the round room on the first floor, in the ceiling and along the cornice: in the arches, 14 emperors. In the overlying lunettes, graceful arabesques and caprices. In the 14 ovals as many beautiful figures of women. The 4 large ovals represent ancient episodes, among which one can particularly admire the triumph of an emperor in a chariot drawn by elephants, displaying the solemn entry into a city enlightened by burning torches, with a wonderful effect. This is the work of Giulio Pippi, said Giulio Romano [33].

Fig.17) Marcello Fogolino, Ornaments in the earthly house of Low Tower.
Trent, the Great Palace of the Buonconsiglio Castle.
Fig. 18) Giulio Romano, The Banquet of Cupid and Psyche, 1526-1528. Mantua, Palazzo Te. Psyche Room, South wall

The Count attributed Fogolino’s frescoes in the Sardagna Palace (very deteriorated today, but then still "excellently conserved") to Titian [34]. Here too, just a glance would allow a real connoisseur to raise questions on the likelihood of this attribution.

Fig. 19) Marcello Fogolino, Frescoes of the Zodiac Room, 1535-1540, Palazzo Sardagna, Trent
Fig. 20) Titian, St. Anthony of Padua and the miracle of the healed foot, 1511. Padua, School of the Santo

So, instead of mentioning Fogolino, Benedetto invented works by Giulio Romano and Titian. It comes to my mind that not only Benedetto Giovanelli was neither an art historian (a rather vague concept in those years) nor a connoisseur, but that he may have intentionally pursued an institutional goal: to claim that the best artists of the Renaissance world were active in his home town, so that Trent would appear as an important centre in the period of greatest development of art. In the manuscript, moreover, Giovanelli attributed to the art collection of his own family a Caravaggio ("A canvas showing a kiss"), a Van Dyck, a Cima da Conegliano and a Spagnoletto, all works that Emert was no longer able to identify in 1937, i.e. one hundred years after the manuscript was written, and on which he could not find any other sources. Emert formulated the hypothesis that the collection of masterpieces owned by the Giovanellis had been completely disbanded without leaving any trace [35], but - I might add - it could also be another clear case of an overstatement of the value of artworks (probably painted by others and perhaps real scabs).


A first-hand testimony of the change of taste from classicism to romanticism

If the attributions contained in the manuscript were not reliable, the manuscript however revealed an interesting aspect, concerning the change of taste in Trent from the neoclassical style prevailing in the early Nineteenth century to the romantic one of the thirties of that century. That episode testified, as we shall see, the discussion on contemporary art in the (then Austrian) Milan. In fact, Giovanelli cited two recent artworks made by the painter Francesco Hayez and held at the Malfatti House [36]. One was a "Venus arising from bath", today known as the "Venus playing with two doves" of 1830 (now at the MART museum in Rovereto). The second was "Venus leads Elena to Paris’ bed" (indicated in the Proceedings of the Ceseraean Royal Academy of Fine Arts in Milan as "Venus leads Helen to Paris" [37]), a painting of the same year which was unfortunately lost. Before being delivered to Mr Malfatti, i.e. to the client (who would be forced later on to liquidate the entire collection of ancient and modern art, including works by other contemporaries artists like Pelagio Palagi and Giuseppe Canella [38], to escape the debtors), the two pictures were displayed at the Exhibition of Fine Arts in Brera in 1830. And here they became a source of scandal.

Fig. 21) Francesco Hayez, Venus playing with two doves (Portrait of the Ballerina Charlotte Chabert), 1830

Actually, a lot of 'gossip' blowed the flames of controversy at the time of the exhibition of Hayez’s paintings: Venus was portrayed in the guise of Charlotte Chabert, a French ballerina of whom the Trent Count Girolamo Malfatti was madly in love. Malfatti commissioned at least two paintings to portray the naked Charlotte: the Venus to Hayez, and the Diana the Huntress to Pelagio Palagi (1775-1860), now kept at the City Gallery of Art in Bologna. The mere fact that the two main Italian painters of the time had been commissioned to portray the beloved Charlotte must have been a source of scandal. To this should be added that the gossip attributed to that woman the source of the man's financial difficulties; eventually, he will die alone and poor.

Fig. 22) Pelagio Palagi, Diana the Huntress, 1830

When drafting the manuscript in 1833, Giovanelli, as lord mayor of a small provincial town, was certainly well aware of all rumors. The aforementioned Trent-born art historian Roberto Panchieri has recently devoted a novel to this case, published in 2010, and entitled "La Venere di Hayez. Cronaca di uno scandalo” (The Venus of Hayez. Chronicle of a scandal) [39]. Panchieri attributed to Hayez an overwhelming love story with the model, during the sessions in which she was being portrayed (based on a true letter from Hayez to Baron Sigismund Trechi, in which he was delighted in telling him details about his erotic achievements). He added that the affair between the painter and the French ballerina was soon discovered by Malfatti and that the woman was turned away to Venice. About Giovanelli, Panchieri wrote that he knew everything, but that "he was convinced that the event would benefit the city, reviving the cult of the fine arts on the banks of the Adige river".

Beyong gossip, there was however also an aesthetic controversy. The two paintings by Hayez marked the passage of taste from classicism to romanticism. The motives were classic, belonging to the mythology, but the way in which they were represented marked a breaking with the traditional iconography. When the paintings were exposed at the Brera Gallery, they unleashed a clash between those (like the secretary of Brera, Ignazio Fumagalli) wanting to preserve the neoclassical style and the partisans of romanticism. At any rate, the fact that Girolamo Malfatti had commissioned the two works to Hayez (and a further painting to Pelagio Palagi) shows that there must already have been in those years’ Trent some interest for what today we would call contemporary art.

Fig. 23) Karl Pavlovic Brjullov, Portrait of Ignazio Fumagalli, before 1834

Let us analyze first of all what Fumagalli wrote in the journal Biblioteca Italiana about the "Venus playing with two doves":  "Venus playing with two doves, just getting out of bath, by the same painter [Hayez] – One can recognise singular qualities in this figure: grace and soul in movements, some evolution in what professors call the composition, a supreme craftsmanship of brush, and an ease of execution. We do not consider, however, the design as sufficiently pure, nor the combination of forms as perfect: the face is not charming, nor handsome. Hence this figure is, in our opinion, not totally suited to represent the image of Venus, the daughter of Jupiter, the most beautiful of the Goodnesses.”

Fig. 24) Comparison between a romantic (Hayez, left) and classical (Palagi, right) representation of the body of the same model, Charlotte Chabert

“This Venus is small in the shoulders and in the back, while from the hips downward it has the features of a much more robust woman than the one announced by back and shoulders. Considering the painting with more attention, one would judge her figure not as a single piece, so to speak, but almost as the combination of two halved bodies belonging to two models, differing in proportions and scale. The scapules are not  displaced with the full rigor of anatomy; the legs are inelegant, the extremities inaccurate, the limbs of little importance. The colours tend excessively to lead-grey. The light is too diffuse, producing an unpleasant and almost bitter feeling [40].

In short, the body of Venus would be disproportionate and the colour of his skill too metallic, not reflecting the principles of ideal beauty. Considering the painting by Pelagio Palagi, one can perhaps imagine what Fumagalli would have preferred: a less 'natural' image of the human body. Referring generally to the manner in which Hayez was portraying bodies in mythological scenes, he wrote , also in 1830: "Their appearance would look like Lombard, rather than Phrygian or Trojan” [41].

The controversy was no less virulent for Venus leads Elena to the bed of Paris, the other painting signalled by Giovanelli in the Malfatti house. As we said, the picture has gone lost, and so one can try to obtain an impression of it from the exchange of opposite arguments in the art reviews in Milan.

Here is a real slating, written by Bernardo Biondelli (1804 -1886) for the journal Poligrafo: "After the above mentioned, what shall we say of the Venus leads Helen to Paris? I will say that, in this work, Mr. Hayez has forgotten himself; I will say that the drawing could have been much better, and that the flesh, particolamente in halftones, is far from being flesh [42].

Fig. 25) The Iliad by Vincenzo Monti 1825

For Fumagalli, instead, the aesthetic criterion to follow in order to make a judgement was rather to assess whether the painting provided a sufficiently faithful representation of Homer's literary text. It is for this reason that Hayez’s painting Venus leads Elena to Paris was first compared to the verses of the Italian translation of Homer’s Iliad by Vincenzo Monti (at that time it was a very recent version, dating back to the early decades of the nineteenth century, with publication of the final version in 1825). Here is what Fumagalli wrote:

"The other picture of heroic nature is taken from the Book III of the Iliad and is when Venus leads Helen to Paris, just after he has returned from the battle against Menelaus.

He was already lying in the perfurmed
inner chamber and on the quilted beds,
all glowing with divine beauty
in such a beautiful cloth, that one would say
he was not back from a battle,
but was ready to dance, or resting from dance.

To more clarity and illustration, we are adding the following descriptive verses that have offered substance to the canvas of the egregius painter:

The noble daughter of Leda shuddered
at this say, she shut herself in her white veil,
and calm and quiet got moving,
hidden to all Trojan ladies, while the Goddess was walking side by side. Then they arrived
at the glittering entrance of Alexander’s palace.
The cunning handmaidens were all taken by
their womanly work, and she meanwhile,
beautiful and taciturn, entered
the sublime bridal suite.”

It follows a first series of positive considerations by Fumagalli on the painting, as regards the composition.

The composition was difficult to execute, given the small number of figures; however, in our view, it compares well with the most celebrated, since its lines are well contrasted, and the masses of chiaroscuro are balanced. In the expression of each figure, we find that Hayez followed faithfully the poet in his story, and was able to obtain a happy result even from a moment of inaction, which is, in itself, very difficult to represent by a painter. Elena is dignified and coiled in her white veil; her physiognomy indicates the reproach that she is repressing in her chest and which she will thereafter make, with a full explosion of feelings, to the man. Venus, accompanying her, seems to have just calmed down, while her face, until a moment before, had shown disdain. The attitudes could not better represent contraction and at the same time grace; in Paris you will find the softness of which he is so often accused by the poet. In the background you are seeing the maids running barefoot to resume their womanly work [43].

However, once again, Fumagalli did not like the color and design of bodies: “But in the coloring of this painting, although generally varied and robust, in line with the famous ancient Venetian standards, it seems that in the shady parts of the flesh, especially in the torso and arms of Venus, he used grey and somewhat ferruginous colors who result disagreeable. This is a faulf which, we believe, he could easily correct, if he only recognised it. It also seems to us that, between so many noble features and delicate shapes, some female arms err in heaviness in connection with the other rather swift members, and that both in the head of Venus, as well as in that of Paride, the author used perhaps a too oblong form. Turning now to the scruples, we cannot remain silent that we would have desired that the drapery covering the lower part of the body of the Goddess be less adherent to the limbs, and not supported by that node, since they remind us Venus getting out of the bathroom [44]. The reference is to the previous painting of the same painter, harshly criticized for the lack of proportions.

Fig. 26) Pelagio Palagi, Portrait of Defendente Sacchi, 1830

The young romantics thought about the same paintings quite differently:  the brothers Defendente and Giuseppe Sacchi, in a Relazione sulle Belle Arti in Milano (Report on Fine Arts in Milan), published in “Il nuovo ricoglitore”, wrote: “This year, Hayez has continued to get inspired by Greek memories: he was however able to tie the ancient with the modern and to make of it a a nice bouquet of flowers. Paris could not win Menelaus: Venus hid him in a smelling cloud and brought him again in the thalamus. She appeared to Elena, and wanted to bring her as well back to his beloved; and while the graceful daughter of Leda reprimended the warrior who had given the victory to his rival, the unknown appeaser of the lovers [note of the editor: Venus] disappeared and left them alone. The painter depicted this Homeric subject exactly at the point when Venus was presenting Elena to Paris; the woman, in a defensive mood, did not want to respond to the invitation of the Goddess, while the angry Paris was reviving from the soft blankets. The really nice figure of Helen is the only one to be represented as a old beauty; it is the Helen of Homer. To the contrary, Venus and Paris remind us of the creatures of the present world and of the present age: they reveal nothing of Greek. The nudes are, however, well-conducted, although here and there they look like a bit livid; the chiaroscuro is amazing, the contours are neat and perspicuous, the whole is simple” [45]. The painting was so much acclaimed that the poet Domenico Biorci (1795-1872) devoted to the work a four-page ode in verse in 1831 [46].

In conclusion, Benedetto Giovanelli - great expert of the ancient Roman and mediaeval world - was only an observer of the artistic life of the early 1830s. And yet his manuscript 1261 has revealed us two pieces of information: first, Giovanelli attributed to great painters of the Renaissance (Giulio Romano and Titian) the fresco cycles by Marcello Fogolino at the Buonconsiglio Castle and the Palazzo Sardagna in Trent, thereby certifying that even the cultured lord mayor was ignorant of the art history of his beloved city; second, the Lord Mayor of Trent witnessed the transition of art taste in the Habsburg world of Italian language (including Milan) from classicism to romanticism.

End of Part Two


NOTES

[27] Panchieri, Roberto - “Alla scuola del celebre Canova”: prime indagini sullo scultore Salvatore de Carlis” ("At the school of the famous Canova": first investigations about the sculptor Salvatore de Carlis), published in: Studi Trentini di Scienze Storiche, Anno LXXXIX, Sezione II, pages 209-216, 2010. The text is available in:

[28] Panchieri, Roberto - “Alla scuola del celebre Canova” … (quoted).

[29] Emert, Giulio Benedetto – Fonti manoscritte inedite per la storia dell’arte nel Trentino (Unpublished manuscript sources for the history of art of the Trent province), Firenze, Sansoni, 1939; pagine 232.

[30] Emert, Giulio Benedetto – Fonti manoscritte... (quoted), p. 18

[31] Menestrina Francesco, Strenna dell’Alto Adige, 1904

[32] Emert, Giulio Benedetto – Fonti manoscritte... (quoted), pp. 135-141

[33] Emert, Giulio Benedetto – Fonti manoscritte... (quoted), p. 135

[34] Emert, Giulio Benedetto – Fonti manoscritte... (quoted), p. 136

[35] Emert, Giulio Benedetto – Fonti manoscritte (quoted), p. 139

[36] Emert, Giulio Benedetto – Fonti manoscritte (quoted), p. 138

[37] Atti della Cesarea Regia Accademia delle Belle Arti di Milano: discorsi letti nella grande aula del Regio Cesareo Palazzo delle Scienze e delle Arti in Milano (Proceedings of the Caesarean Royal Academy of the Fine Arts in Milan: Speeches read out in the lecture hall of the Royal Caesarean Palace of the Sciences and Arts in Milan), 1831, p. 74. See: 
https://books.google.de/books?id=C_xSAAAAcAAJ&pg=PA74&lpg=PA74&dq=hayez+malfatti+pagamento&source=bl&ots=bwjgcQlJ1D&sig=AWY0HeF1LRLU7mk9sygDP7__WSY&hl=it&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjn6fLMnKjRAhXBXRQKHWHAA3YQ6AEITjAO#v=onepage&q=hayez%20malfatti%20pagamento&f=false

[39] Pancheri, Roberto - La Venere di Hayez. Cronaca di uno scandalo, Curcu e Genovese Ass., 2010, 104 pages.

[40] Biblioteca italiana, o sia giornale di letteratura, scienze ed arti (Italian Library, or Journal of literature, sciences and art), Tome XV, July, August and September 1830, Milan, page 282. See: 
https://books.google.de/books?id=CYQtAAAAMAAJ&pg=PA282&lpg=PA282&dq=direbbesi+lombarda,+anzi+che+frigia+o+trojana&source=bl&ots=NLLZ-TVaRp&sig=1QsN2MuqKuKIsat3_5qO_W-9958&hl=it&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwj3wo3ppqrRAhXMIcAKHf7tDvIQ6AEIHjAA#v=onepage&q=pelagio&f=false

[41] Biblioteca italiana... 1830 (quoted)  … p. 282

[42] Bionelli, Bernardo – Esposizione di Belle Arti nel Palazzo Brera a Milano (Exposition of Fine Arts in the Brera Palace in Milan), published in: Poligrafo, Giornale di scienze, lettere ed art (Poligrafo, Journal of sciences, letters and art), Tome IX, January 1832, Page 128. See: 
https://books.google.de/books?id=E9wEAAAAQAAJ&pg=PA128&dq=Venere+che+conduce+Elena++Hayez&hl=it&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwi7tfK4qKjRAhVLVxQKHYgoDFQQ6AEIJjAC#v=onepage&q=Venere%20che%20conduce%20Elena%20%20Hayez&f=false

[43] Biblioteca italiana, o sia giornale di letteratura, scienze ed arti (Italian Library, or Journal of literature, sciences and art), Tome LXIII, July, August, September, 1831, page 262. See: 
https://books.google.de/books?id=_6BNAAAAcAAJ&pg=PA266&dq=Venere+conduce+Elena+a+Paride&hl=it&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjv2eCbkajRAhXHvBQKHf5yAxMQ6AEIJzAC#v=onepage&q=chiuse&f=false

[44] Biblioteca italiana...1831 (quoted) … p. 262

[45] Defendente Sacchi e Giuseppe Sacchi, Le Belle Arti in Milano (Fine arts in Milan), Year VI, in: Il Nuovo Ricoglitore, Anno VII, Milano, 1831, p. 651. See: 
https://books.google.de/books?id=EuIEAAAAQAAJ&pg=PA651&dq=Venere+conduce+Elena+a+Paride&hl=it&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjv2eCbkajRAhXHvBQKHf5yAxMQ6AEIIjAB#v=onepage&q=Venere%20conduce%20Elena%20a%20Paride&f=false

[46] Biorci Domenico, Venere che conduce Elena al letto di Paride (Venus bringing Elena to the bed of Paris, pages 29-32) in: Biorci Domenico, I più bei quadri di pittura e di scultura esposti in Brera nelle gallerie dell’I.R. Accademia della Belle Arti nel Settembre del 1831 in altrettanti quadri poetici (The most beautiful paintings and sculptures exhibited in Brera in the Galleries of the Imperial and Royal Academy of the Fine Arts in September 1831 in as many poetic paintings), Milan, Giuseppe Crespi, 1831, 76 pages. See: 
https://archive.org/stream/ipiubeiquadridip00bior#page/28/mode/2up/search/paride



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