Gabriele Paleotti, [Discourse on Sacred and Profane Images (1582)]. Part Two

Review by Giovanni Mazzaferro
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Gabriele Paleotti
Discorso intorno alle immagini sacre e profane (1582)
[Discourse on Sacred and Profane Images (1582)]

Part Two
Scientific Direction Stefano Della Torre
Transcript in modern Italian by Gian Franco Freguglia
Foreword by Carlo Chenis

Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 2002

Bartolomeo Cesi, Madonna and Child in glory and saints, Bologna, National Art Gallery
Source: http://www.pinacotecabologna.beniculturali.it/

Go Back to Part One

Images as a form of knowledge

As mentioned, the Discourse of Paleotti does not contain stylistic considerations [8]. The reason is simple: Paleotti considered images for their functional value. They were, first of all, instrument of knowledge. In life - Paleotti wrote in Book I, chapter IV - there are basically three ways to acquire knowledge: voice, gestures and signs. Signs may be artificial and depend from conventions: "These are the characters of alphabet letters, notes, lines, numbers or other similar, and they are not understandable except to those who have learnt to know them; learning however is possible to very few only". Then there are images. They are a form of privileged knowledge, because they are comprehensible to all mankind, regardless of the ability to read or write. The images, therefore, narrate reality because they reproduce it in the most resembling way as possible. The nobility of art consists in the imitation of reality. The reality, whatever it may be - the concrete one of people, objects and nature, or the abstract one of virtues and faith – is obviously all inscribed in the religious sphere, and is revealed by the Holy Scriptures. Therefore, the nobility of art does not only consist of the substance that is recognized to the work of the painter (something on which the cardinal does not intend to spend time, for it is not his area of responsibility), nor of the submission of excellent examples of virtue to the people. Instead, the nobility of art must be understood in a Christian sense and is therefore embodied in the representation of the truth of faith and his universe, in a sort of book of images and, with the greatest care, in accordance to the truth revealed in the Holy Scriptures. Where it is impossible to represent the true, because one is faced with those questions which are (deliberately or otherwise) left indefinite, the artist's duty is to resort to plausible, or to what, reasonably, one can expect to find in a given situation. "Painting, therefore, originally had the sole purpose of making reality plausible; now, by means of virtue, is assigned a new value and, in addition to making reality plausible, is elevated to a higher purpose, aiming at eternal glory, averting men from vice and leading them to the true worship of God."

Paleotti’s Discourse was not directed to refute the arguments of the heretics. From the beginning, the Cardinal had clarified that the heresy problem did not exist in the diocese of Bologna; and he added that the answer to the heretics had already been formulated in the Council, and therefore need not be further discussed. His aim was rather to stop the abuses that were continually recorded in the use of images, whether they were strictly sacred or profane. All this was necessary because the artist employed a powerful tool, that of the image. So powerful as to be extremely dangerous, if not used correctly. The power of the image was not merely psychological, but even caused physical effects. Paleotti cited for example the case of women, who give birth to children not resembling their parents because they slept or lived next to images which had transferred their features to unborn children; and he did it in a completely serious manner. Equally seriously, he believed in the miraculous Madonnas. Faced with such a powerful tool, the Devil moved in two different directions: trying to prevent the veneration of images (through heretic iconoclasts) or opening the floodgates of the wildest fantasies in the representation of the paintings. It is here that the Cardinal intended to intervene: by limiting and preventing abuse. Between the two extremes (no picture on the one hand and the representation of lascivious, corrupted, unsuitable, and misleading images, on the other one) the Cardinal indicated a median solution, i.e. the virtuous one. And exactly as the relationship between man and Holy Scriptures is mediated by the Church, Paleotti did not fail to remind the reader, as soon as possible, of the need to permit religious men to play the task of collaborating in the preparation and creation of the iconographic programs.

Annibale Carracci, Assumption of the Virgin, 1592, Bologna, National Art Gallery
Source: http://diversirobi.weebly.com/i-carracci-e-guido-reni.html

The Cardinal’s audience was ideally made up of parish priests, artists and patrons, everyone in his own responsibility. Each player must take into account that, just as in rhetoric, the painter's task is threefold: to delight (i.e. to cause pleasure in the contemplation of the image), to teach (therefore, painting took on an eminently didactic value; not by chance the author recalled the words of Pope Gregory the Great, who had spoken of the paintings as the Bible of the poor) and to move, i.e. to arouse in the observer feelings that strengthen his faith. "The Christian law is not contrary to any of those pleasures [editor's note: the sensations caused by delighting, teaching and moving], provided they are used in the due way, because they do not involve the destruction of nature, but its perfection, which is reached through them, as a step by step process, in order to reach the high end of the eternal bliss. Thus, a Christian can enjoy the sacred images, of which we are speaking, through all kinds of pleasure: those of senses, those of reason and those of spirit" (p. 72). In order to achieve the goal it is clear, however, that the artist has to use a visual language which is clear, honest, decent and devoid of any possibility of misunderstanding. "A painting must therefore have the greatest possible clarity by itself; it should be so well organized as to make immediately recognizable what it wants to portray; when the subject is not so much as popular and known, it should be depicted in such a way that the more intelligent can educate the less informed" (p. 266).

In turn, Paleotti’s task appears to be that of "persuading". And, in order to convince, the Cardinal resorted to the systematic citation of the texts of the Old and New Testament, of the lives of the saints, but also of the great classics of Greek and Roman antiquity. The ultimate essence of the work could not be grasped, if one did not give account of the massive presence of citations (probably, they make one fifth of the text altogether). They are not - mind you – a sterile display of erudition, but an authoritative confirmation, as well as encouragement and incitement to behave correctly and decently.

Lodovico Carracci, Transfiguration of Jesus, about 1595, Bologna, National Art Gallery
Source: http://diversirobi.weebly.com/i-carracci-e-guido-reni.html

The foundation of art

While we have just said that Paleotti did not have an explicit stylistic preference, it should however be clarified that the context of the Discourse reveals some fundamental concepts. First of all, it is clear that Cardinal attributed a predominant role to "drawing".

"We then called 'drawing' the image, because this is its common name and it gives substance to all the arts producing images, since every art truly begins with a drawing, irrespective whether it is produced with a single colour or with more colours, whether by chisel or other tools, whether it is embossed or on a plane, whether it is made of gold, silver, marble, wood, earth, stucco or other similar materials" (p. 16). 

And a topic that ignited the minds of art experts for decades, i.e. whether painting or sculpture were the most noble art (think of the 1549 Lezzione, i.e. Lesson, by Varchi) is resolved in the following manner: "Without wanting to come here to any final assessment on this argument, we simply believe that painting and sculpture are dear sisters, and the daughters of one father, i.e. drawing." (p. 39). Again: "Whoever therefore wants to exercise this art honourably, must fully master the art of drawing, which is referred to by some as the soul of painting and its main foundation. Those who did not exercise themselves in drawing for a long time, or did not follow the teaching of good teachers, accepting to be corrected by them, and those who did not really learn the job in a theoretical and practical way, will try pointlessly to read this Treatise" (p. 265). The basic way to understand art seems to be a Tuscan conceptual framework, and the likely knowledge of the experience of the Academy of the Arts of Drawing (founded in Florence in 1563). The frequent quotations from Vasari (in the Giuntina edition) show that Paleotti knew quite well - if only through scholar learning - the Florentine world.

In short, from the very few hints outlined above, it seems that Paleotti had an artistic culture based on the influence of Tuscan-Roman mannerism in Emilia. This does not mean that he agreed with all of this. He was exactly concerned on the abuse of that way of painting. The request to put a stop to the artist's imagination and the need to resort to a simpler way of painting, more faithful to scripture, undoubtedly clashed with the excessive fantasies of Mannerism. However, it is a fact that when it comes to having a partner with which to exchange views in the world of the artists, the Cardinal confronted himself precisely with the leading exponent of Emilian Mannerism, i.e. Prospero Fontana. Therefore, it does not seem that he condemned in any way the Mannerist style. Once again, the choice seems to have been to persuade rather to oblige.

Lodovico Carracci, Madonna and Child with Saints Jerome and Francis, about 1590, Bologna, National Art Gallery
Source: Wikimedia Commons

The Orthodox world

It may perhaps seem unnecessary, but I feel useful to propose a reflection on the absence of any reference to the Orthodox world in Paleotti’s reflections. The Cardinal decided to abstain from any statement on Orthodoxy, and when he spoke of infidels or heretics he quoted the Jews, the Gentiles (or the heathens, who adore idols), the Mohammedans and the Christian schismatics (with reference to the Lutheran or Calvinist Reformation and their rejection of images), but he never mentioned the Orthodox. Most likely, the reason is that the Eastern Church was not perceived as a danger to the Catholic faith. However, from a theological point of view, Orthodoxy was probably the thorniest argument: when the Cardinal wrote his work, the great schism had been consumed for more than five centuries (1054). One of the main topics of confrontation was precisely the role of images. The outcomes of the Council of Nicaea (787), accepted by Pope Adrian I, condemned the iconoclastic heresy and went really far beyond the attribution of values to sacred images. To these images was recognized a theological-revelatory meaning. The images were the proof of divine incarnation; to deny the value of images was equal to deny the incarnation and then the dual nature (divine and earthly) of Christ. The icons, in short, were assigned a value that was not only commemorative, like in the Western world (the pictures as "the Bible of the poor”), but was equal to that of the Holy Scriptures. Hence, the vital role that the icons took in the Orthodox rite liturgy, but also the obligation to stick to standard models which are those of revelation and lead to a refusal on the development of art on ground of mimetic imitation. Only in 794, with the synod of Frankfurt, the Western world (thanks to the boost from the Carolingian world) restored the meaning of sacred images in a didactic and catechetical sense. The seven years between 787 and 794 proved critical to the divergence of the European art world [9]. On all these topics, Paleotti chose to remain silent, perhaps to not overly complicate things, but most probably because his main purpose was not so much to take care of heretics (especially if not much dangerous), but to correct the abuses perpetrated within the context of the Catholic Church.

Guido Reni, Crucifixion, 1617, Bologna, National Art Gallery
Source: http://diversirobi.weebly.com/i-carracci-e-guido-reni.html

The Discourse and Bologna

We already saw that, in the notes to the reader, the finality of the Discourse was explicitly reconnected to the situation in the Bolognese diocese. It seems useful (if only because I do not think that this has ever been done) to try to identify and interpret the (few) quotations or allusions related to Bologna as part of the two books published by Paleotti. They do not contain any surprising results; but it is interesting to note that the Cardinal, who often explained himself by making use of clearly unrealistic examples, mentioned the city where his diocese was seated when he wanted to refer to more specific situations. Hereafter is the brief review on Bologna (which I hope is complete):

Book I Chap. VIII (examples of painters, sculptors and artists among the saints and the blessed persons and among those who are considered worthy of exemplary life): "... In addition to these, there were many other artists of different origins and from different religious orders who, by the excellence of their painting, sculpture or architecture, have also been reported for their piety, devotion and Christian goodness, which they expressed in the works that they left in this world. Among them, we could name some Bolognese, but since it is not our intention here to make a catalogue of painters... we will now move to the heart of the issue we are facing"(p. 39). I am personally convinced that Paleotti alluded here especially to Lippo di Dalmasio, which was a bit the prototype of the devoted painter in the Bolognese Middle Ages. Lippo is remembered both by Lamo in the 1560 Graticola (Bologna’s Grid) (a work which is not at all certain that Paleotti knew) and by Cavazzoni (with greater amplitude) in his 1603 Pitture et sculture (Paintings and sculptures). He was indeed the only artist, whom a section was devoted to, to praise how his religiosity had allowed him to paint several miraculous Madonnas.

Guido Reni, Pala dei Mendicanti (Beggars' Altarpiece), 1616, Bologna, National Art Gallery
Source: http://diversirobi.weebly.com/i-carracci-e-guido-reni.html

Book I Ch. XII (causes for the introduction of profane images): "... To these functions will then added those resulting from war and peace, as ... being able to learn through this art as to the knowledge of natural things, which are depicted and brightly coloured, and make real the vision of plants, birds, fish, beasts, snakes, insects, marbles and other species. If they were not represented, we might not know of their existence because we never saw them" (p. 45). The reference to Ulisse Aldrovandi is very evident.

Guido Reni, Altarpiece of the Plague, 1630-32, Bologna, National Art Gallery
Source: Wikimedia Commons

Book I Chap. XXIX (Greek and Latin authors who report ancient examples of use of the images): "...and also the life of our glorious bishop S. Petronio, the patron saint of this city, reads that he made sure that the churches would be painted with sacred images in the likeness of the holy places of Jerusalem"(p. 89).

Book II Chapter XIII (profane paintings are not permitted in the churches): "... We know that in some Christian churches there is such an observance of this rule that even the tapestries and the backs of the seats decorating the church depict the life of saints, or in any case other sacred mysteries. We would love that the same be made by the superiors of the churches of this city and of the diocese. They should introduce the same ornaments in their churches. It is in fact something totally extravagant to hear a preacher speaking of forgiveness to the enemy, while he is at the side of a tapestry with the image of Turno asking Aeneas to spare his life, where Aeneas is depicted when he then kills him. Likewise, it is also strange to go to a church to pray God to propagate peace, humility and chastity in the minds, and see all of the church walls decorated with Flemish tapestries displaying ancient battles, triumphs of the Romans, or even dancing and very licentious dances" (p. 131). The complaint seems to me too detailed to be the result of imagination.

Book II Chapter XV (answers to sustained objections as to whether to keep the images of pagan emperors and other similar subjects): "To better answer this objection, which relates to places, times and people, we would like to say that, as to the places, our purpose is to speak to the people of this city and of this diocese, and we hope that we do not take offense if we allow ourselves to remember what it is considered more useful to its salvation" (pp. 136-37).

Book II Chapter XXI (on lovers’ portraits: how painters should accommodate this subject): "One cannot remain silent, in this regard, on the present case of a very good and very devoted Bolognese painter who, being no longer able to evade the importunate insistence of a person of high status who asked for similar portraits [editor's note: portraits of the girls with whom he had fallen in love], after having vainly camped many excuses and reasons to refuse, decided to consult with a religious, who suggested that he would paint for each portrait commissioned a devout image of the scourging of Christ, or the Virgin Mary, or other saints to be presented to the lascivious young. The latter, like all others, was astonished of the holy deception, but very satisfied of the exchange. Therefore, he refrained from any further commission of similar portraits, with great enhancement of the mercy and goodness of the painter" (p. 158). Who was the very good and very devoted painter? The suspicion he may have been Prospero Fontana, the interlocutor of the cardinal and fashionable portrait painter, is obviously strong.

Book II Chapter XXV (abuses which are common to the sacred paintings and the profane paintings: the fake and false paintings): "The second reason why an object is to be considered false, is that often what is painted has never existed, although it could have well existed in reality, like depicting the Blessed Polidoro da Castelfranco coming to Bologna to be crowned king of Italy "(p.168). I confess I was not able to figure out who Polidoro da Castelfranco was. The fact that immediately after the author brings the example of the portrait of Pope Joan makes me assume that it also was a character of invention, but with a history that clearly had an oral tradition in the city.

Book II Chapter XXXIV (imprecise and uncertain paintings): "Some painters depict Christ crucified with four nails, only others with three, and we, in the Diocese of Bologna, we have seen both the one and the other kind of painting, although it looks more frequent crucified with three nails" (p. 206).

Book II Chapter XXXIX (other reasons of the origin of grotesque paintings. Meaning of the term): "Today we can see that in the underground of Christian churches, places which are called 'confessi' in Bologna or 'scuruoli' elsewhere, whereas formerly they were called 'martirii' or ' confessionali' ... etc. (p. 223).

NOTES

[8] Sometimes it happens to read strange things: in the introduction to the 2002 edition of the Discourse, Giuseppe Fusari wrote: "However Paleotti, as Prodi underlines, addresses the theme of the images «even from the interior as to aesthetic and technical problems»" (p. xii). This is the passage by Paolo Prodi (edition 1984): "Already Dejob stated, presenting summarily the content, that it was the most complete and interesting work born from the Council of Trent, substantially open to the artistic world, which he clearly had appreciated with interest even from the interior as to aesthetic and technical problems" (p. 28). I think these are two different things.

[9] See in this blog Emanuela Fogliadini, L’invenzione dell’immagine sacra. La egittimazione ecclesiale dell’icona al secondo concilio di Nicea (The invention of the sacred image. The ecclesial legitimacy of the icon at the Second Council of Nicaea), Milan, Jaca Book, 2015.

https://letteraturaartistica.blogspot.com/2018/12/giorgio-vasari.html