Hermann Uhde-Bernays, Artists' Letters on Art [Künstlerbriefe über Kunst]. Part One

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Hermann Uhde-Bernays
Artists’ Letters on Art [Künstlerbriefe über Kunst]
Confessions of painters, architects and sculptors of the last five centuries

With seventy self-portraits and signatures of artists
Wolfgang Jess, Dresden, 1926, 968 pages

Review by Francesco Mazzaferro

Fig. 1) The original edition of the Artists’ Letters on Art by Hermann Uhde-Bernays,
published by Wolfgang Jess in Dresden in 1926

A today forgotten programmatic work

The anthology of art letters by Hermann Uhde-Bernays (1873-1965) was published in 1926, in the years of the Weimar Republic, with an elegant and valuable volume released by the publisher Wolfgang Jess and intended to please both the general public and the bibliophiles. The author was professor of modern literature at the University of Munich as well as the author of an important series of art criticism publications, with particular attention to the nineteenth century. The collection contained 350 letters, selected "under the condition they have a prevailing aesthetic rather than biographical interest."  [1] It opened with Leon Battista Alberti and ended with Van Gogh. In an appendix, the reader was informed in detail on the date and the source of each letter. The index of the named persons was excellent. The letters were presented in chronological order, in six chapters. The first opened with great artists from Renaissance (Alberti, Durer, Raphael, Leonardo, Michelangelo and others) and ended with Rembrandt, Rubens and Poussin. The second was dedicated to French academic painters (including Lebrun, Watteau, Cochin, Falconet, Greuze), followed by Tiepolo, German eighteenth-century artists and architects (Neumann, Mengs, Tischbein and many others) and English painters (Hogarth, Reynolds, Gainsborough). The third chapter was devoted to the early nineteenth century artists in Germany (among others Schadow, Schinkel, von Cornelius, Schnorr, Overbeck, Pforr, Veit, Runge, Steinle, Richter, Lessing, Semper). The fourth chapter covered the long path from the second half of German nineteenth century up to the Secession and even the Expressionists of the early twentieth century: Menzel, Böcklin, Anselm Feuerbach, von Marees, Leibl, Klinger, Liebermann, Thoma, Corinth, Slevogt, Hodler, Marc, Paula Modersohn, Beckmann, Kubin. The fifth chapter was dedicated to the French nineteenth century, beginning with David, Géricault and Delacroix to continue with Corot, Millet, Fromentin, Puvis de Chauvannes, Daumier, Courbet, etc... Included were also the Impressionists (Manet, Monet) and the Post-Impressionists (to mention just a few: of them: Pissarro, Cézanne, Sisley, Signac, Gauguin, Rops, Rodin). The sixth and final chapter was dedicated to the rest of Europe: it opened with Canova, Thorvaldsen, Constable and Turner, presented Rossetti, Burne Jones and Whistler, and ended with Segantini, with a very young Picasso and finally van Gogh. Obviously, the author planned to offer a universal vision of art literature in epistolary form, which placed the German world as an integral part of the universal course of art history. The edition was enriched by the reproduction of sixty self-portraits, below which were always reproduced the respective artists’ signatures [2]. It is worth mentioning that, if at the time of publication there were already collections of artists’ letters translated in German regarding art periods like Renaissance, Baroque and the nineteenth century, in other cases (the eighteenth century, for example) Uhde-Bernays made available to the public material which was very difficult to trace.

Fig. 2) Hermann Struck, Portrait of Prof. Hermann Uhde-Bernays, 1927

Uhde-Bernays worked on art literature long before the release of this anthology [3]. In particular, he had on several occasions curated the publication of writings by Anselm Feuerbach: first, together with Guido Joseph Kern, he had published an edition, in two volumes, of the Letters to the Mother in 1911 [4], followed by a Biography of Henriette Feuerbach through the Letters (1912) [5], by a second edition in one volume of the Letters to his mother (1912) [6], and a Breviary of Feuerbach (1912) [7]. It should be said here that Henriette, the mother of Anselm Feuerbach, was a prominent figure in nineteenth-century German literature and music (she was a great friend of Brahms and Clara Schumann), and a woman of great culture; the correspondence between her and the son Anselm testified the cultural life in Germany (and Italy) with full richness. A substantial part of Henriette’s epistolary was in the hands of Michael Bernays, Hermann’s beloved stepfather: this explains the reason for so much attention on the part of the scholar.

Fig. 3) Anselm Feuerbach’s Selected Letters to the Mother, edited by Hermann Uhde Bernays, 1920

Fig. 4) Anselm Feuerbach, Portrait of Henriette Feuerbach, 1877

In addition to Feuerbach, among art literature texts edited by the German critic must be remembered also the Minor works on the History of Antiquity (1913) [8] and the Selected writings by Winckelmann (1914) [9], the Poems and Letters of the painter Carl Spitzweg (1918) [10], the Unknown Letters of Winckelmann (1921) [11], edited with Konrad Friedrich Uden and Adam Friedrich Oeser, and finally the two volumes of the Minor Works and Selected Letters of Winckelmann (1925) [12].

Fig. 5) Johann Joachim Winckelmann, Selected writings, 1914

Fig. 6) Johann Joachim Winckelmann, Minor Writings and Letters, Volume One: Minor Writings on the History of antiquity, edited by Hermann Uhde-Bernays, in the edition of 1925

As in many other cases, also for Uhde-Bernays the advent of Nazism meant a traumatic experience. He explained it in the afterword to a booklet of memoirs of 1954 [13]. To be authorised to continue his journalistic activity without political checks, he was in fact ordered to enrol in the Reichsschrifttumskammer, an institution created by Goebbels in 1933 to check the German culture. When he refused, his ability to publish articles and books became subject to substantial censorship, which is why Uhde-Bernays preferred to retire in his beloved Bavarian Alps, in the town of Stanberg (but in the most difficult years he also fled to Switzerland) and decided unilaterally not to make use of the cumbersome procedures to request authorization to publish, locking himself into a "spiritual exile" [14]. Restrictions on the right to publish and, in extreme cases, the sanction of Schreibverbot (i.e. a ban not only to publish but also to make use of writing, except for personal use) were inflicted by Nazi authorities to German nationals who were not considered enemies for political or racial reasons (although the stepfather Michael Bernays was of Jewish descent), but whose work was still considered contrary to the official line of the party. In the specific case, Hermann was seen as having a too pro-European orientation [15]. By no coincidence, Uhde-Bernays had nicknamed his private library "Alt-Europa Zimmer" or the "room of old Europe" [16]. That name was a quote from Jacob Burckhardt, contained in a letter from the Swiss historian in 1846. In it Burckhardt described the mission of his life: "I want to help to save what is left of my weak world. We can all fail, but I want at least to choose an interest for which I want to fail, i.e. to save the education of old Europe." [17] 

Fig. 7) Anselm Feuerbach, Medea, 1870

After the war, Uhde-Bernays obviously regained the full use of civil rights and became, now seventy-three years old, honorary professor of modern literature in 1946, and was a member of the 'German Academy for Language and Poetry (Deutsche Akademie für Sprache und Dichtung) for some years from 1951 on. Its activity was therefore always centred on the crossing between art and literature, with a key role always reserved to the written word.

Fig. 8) The Memoirs of Hermann Uhde-Bernays (1880-1914), in the edition published in 1963

In 1956, thirty years after its first edition, Uhde-Bernays presented a second revised edition of his anthology. He added 48 letters, while others were eliminated (in total, the collection increased from 350 to 375 letters); to take account of new developments in art over the last thirty years, he extended the collection from van Gogh to Kandinsky. The volume – also in this case a valuable edition for bibliophiles - was produced by the same publisher Wolfgang Jess [18] in Dresden, but this time in the German Democratic Republic [19] and with another important difference: while the afterword had been updated, the 1926 rich introduction, a veritable manifesto of art literature from the point of view of German idealism, disappeared altogether. By way of introduction were simply proposed two verses of Goethe: "Find the many in one, experience the many as one / and you will have the beginning, you will have the end of art." 

Fig. 9) The first volume of the paperback edition of the Artists’ Letters of 1960

The introduction was also eliminated in the next two editions of the anthology, published this time in the Federal Republic of Germany: a first paperback edition, published by Fischer Publishers in two volumes (From the Renaissance to the Romantics, 1960; From Adolf von Menzel to modern art, 1963); and a second version bound in one volume, co-published by the publishing houses Büchergilde Gutenberg in Frankfurt and Nymphenburger Verlag-Handlung in Munich in 1962. The two editions testify to the still strong interest of the German public, in the early sixties, with regard to the work, whose author died in 1965 at ninety-two years: Uhde-Bernays’s Artists’ Letters were still read with pleasure forty years after their first edition. In fact, the reading of artists’ correspondence was a well-established passion in Germany, which had been inaugurated a century earlier by a collection of letters by Ernst Karl Guhl in 1853 (first volume) [20] and in 1856 (the second volume) [21], based on the Italian collections edited by Bottari-Ticozzi (1822-1825), Giovanni Gaye (1840) and Michelangelo Gualandi (1840-1845). That genre experienced a great fortune in Germany right up to the sixties of the twentieth century, when it seemed to become less popular.

Fig. 10) The 1962 edition of the Artists’ Letters

The after-war disappearance of the introduction – both in the East German edition and in the two West German ones - can perhaps be explained by the simple fact that idealism was now out of fashion in both Germanys. The fact is that, after that cut, the original 1926 work - designed as a programmatic work on the artist's universal role in art literature – became a mere collection (albeit a rich one) of letters of artists to document their aesthetic visions over the past five centuries

The original introduction was, in my view, it offered elements to understand how art literature developed in these key years as an intermediate form between art criticism and literary criticism. Therefore, I felt appropriate to display it in annex to this post, despite of the text difficulty of the translation, together with the author’s afterword explaining the reasons and the incubation of the work (see Part Two). 

Fig. 11) Fritz von Uhde, Two girls, 1909

Art historian, literary critic and journalist 

Hermann Uhde-Bernays was born in a highly educated family. His father, Hermann Uhde (1845-1879), who died when he was still a child, was a scholar of Goethe [22]; the second husband of his mother (Michel Bernays - 1834 to 1897) and his brother Jacob Bernays (1824-1881) were famous philologists. In his autobiography Im Lichte der Freiheit [23] (Under the light of freedom), published in 1947, but referring only to the years 1880 to 1914, Hermann tells us about the adoration that he felt for the stepfather, who had dedicated his whole life "to the creations of great poets and writers of all times and all peoples" [24]. Not surprisingly, he decided to add Bernays to his name. From his youth, his world was entirely dedicated to art, literature, music and theatre, and was spent between Germany, Italy (twelve trips during the entire life) and France, in a total devotion to the classical world, the Renaissance, the German art of the nineteenth century and French Impressionism. His continued interest in art literature was born from the intersection of his passion for art criticism with his humanistic culture, and his incredible ability to read [25]. He worked at the Frankfurter Zeitung in Frankfurt and the Deutsche Tageszeitung in Berlin as a literary, musical and dramatic critic, and for a few years documented for them the intellectual life of Munich, the cultural capital of Germany before the centre of arts moved permanently to Berlin. He was journalist until 1914, and then devoted himself to teaching.

Fig. 12) Carl Spitzweg, The alchimist, 1860 ca.

Obviously, Uhde-Bernays felt himself at full ease in the time before the First World War. He was not a nostalgic of the empire, and indeed proved little sympathy for the unlearned Emperor Wilhelm II [26], but enjoyed the degree of globalization that the belle époque had achieved, allowing most wealthy and educated people to cross physical and psychological boundaries between cultures and countries in a very easy way. He considered himself as the heir of an era - the nineteenth century - that in his view had reached the pinnacle of artistic production, even in the field of artistic literature, picking up the legacy of the Renaissance world. The collapse of that peaceful world, on August 1, 1914 was a trauma for his open concept of European culture; after that trauma he felt unable to continue narrating his life. Indeed, in 1954 was released an already mentioned small book [27], describing unrelated episodes of his life occurring between 1928 and 1935; perhaps they were intended as a basis for the second volume of autobiography, referring to the period after 1914. But a second part was really never written. It was Uhde-Bernays himself to explain it, in the afterword to the second edition of the autobiography [28]. Certainly, he was now very old and perhaps no longer had the strength to bring order into his memoirs. The nazi prohibitions to publish between 1937 and 1945 had deprived him of numerous years to prepare for the entire autobiography. But there were deeper underlying reasons, as remarked by Benno Reifenberg when reviewing the second edition [29]: the Germany which run through the traumatic experiences of Weimar and Nazism was no longer his world and Uhde-Bernays decided it was not worth dedicating a book to that time, despite continuing to produce new volumes of art and literary criticism until a late age. Thus, in the 1963 second edition of the autobiography he added an annex with a simple table with the most important events of his life between the beginning of World War I [30] and 1958: he listed publications and professional commitments, visits to exhibitions, concerts, travels, the vicissitudes of his relatives and beloved. Nothing more. It was a sort of declaration of inability to identify himself with the world after 1914.

Burckhardt's legacy

Fig. 13) Anselm Feuerbach, The Fall of the Titans, 1878-1879

"The following narration - the author writes in the first pages of his autobiography - was put in writing with the sole objective of fixing events and valuable impressions from four decades, whose significance goes beyond the individual (...) and from the entire work life of a convinced 'European', which was entirely spent (...) for the ideal of a classical conception of culture as a result of three major models: Goethe, Wilhelm von Humboldt and Jacob Burckhardt." [31]

Fig. 14) Max Josef Wagenbauer, The eastern shore of the Starnberg Lake, 1813

Uhde-Bernays believed that Jacob Burckhardt (1818-1897) had marked the pinnacle of German humanism; however, at the same time, the first omens of his fall had become manifest with him. He wrote again in his autobiography: alongside the great classical poets "Burckhardt had become the scientific companion at my side, the one who never denied me an answer, and who influenced my development a lot more than all philosophers of modern times. I fully grasped, in their full dimension, the special meaning, the ability to predict political events and the clairvoyance of the Basel scholar only since Spengler’s gloomy prophecies have come true and the decline of the West has materialized. (...) His conception of the value of individual personality and his generous vision of the world, reminiscent of Wilhelm von Humboldt, are superior to the misleading appeals which Treitschke made on the 'moral rules of world order'. While years were passing, I raised his principles to the main thesis of my unshakable faith in the noble and exemplary idea of Burckhardt on the tasks of culture." [32] As we shall see, these are the key themes of the introduction of the Letters. The opposition between Burckhardt and Treitschke also crystallized the origin of the different evolution of nineteenth-century German liberalism, either in the cosmopolitan sense (Burckhardt) or in a nationalist and anti-Semitic direction (Treitschke).

More generally, Uhde-Bernays did not hide his opposition to the development of German culture in a vitalistic sense. As we read not only in the memoirs [33], but also in the introduction to the Letters, he did not like the elements of irrationalism introduced in the German culture by Schopenhauer and Nietzsche: "The educational basis on which a new generation was educated has been set years ago, when a beautifully reverent gratitude still supported the temples of German culture, which now lie in ruins; then the quiet industriousness of the scholars of the time of our ancestors moved intentionally on broader routes and got used to always use the intellect to form an opinion. Then a hopeful youth (who had finally gained access to the very nature… and which had formed from Impressionist art his own way of impressionist thinking, and full of jubilation had mocked all negations of Schopenhauer or Nietzsche) discovered the idea of the greatness of the artistic fact, more clearly than it has ever been the case later on, despite all the high-sounding speeches to the contrary."  [34]

Fig. 15) Karl Haider, The scholar of nature, 1898

The great art historians: Hermann Grimm, Hugo von Tschudi and Julius Meier-Graefe

Among art historians, the great masters of Uhde-Bernays were Hermann Grimm (1828-1901), Hugo von Tschudi (1851-1911) and Julius Meier-Graefe (1867-1935). On them we can read very beautiful pages in his autobiography. The first one was already very old when the young student Uhde-Bernays attended his lectures on Raphael in Berlin and met him, muttering to himself, in the Tiergarten, the city's central park. The elderly academic died in those years. Undoubtedly, he was one of the great fathers of German art history, but also a recognized philologist (he translated the Iliad in German) and a renowned scholar of German literature. It is precisely this ability to cross art and literature to make him an idol for the young student, who wanted to constantly cross the boundaries between the two disciplines. Not without a tone of bitterness, which may perhaps also reflect personal experiences, Uhde-Bernays observed that, despite his indisputable prestige, Grimm was ridiculed among art critics because of his love of literature and was called therefore "the literate" in a derogatory way [35]. From Grimm he also derived the idea of centrality of the individual, and also the refusal to conceive schematic theories that would box the artworks (and the writings of artists) into rigid analytic catagories. Uhde-Bernays explained in his autobiography: "As a student of Hermann Grimm, I would have never adopted a conception of history which does not consider indispensable the effect of great individuals on it." [36] This was also the main theme of the introduction to the letters.

Fig. 16) Adolph von Menzel, At the alehouse, 1883

Fig. 17) Wilhelm Leibl, Girls crocheting on the stove bench, 1895

Hugo von Tschudi was the man who married the Viennese culture (he had studied with Rudolf Eitelberger von Edelberg) with the love for nineteenth century German art (he was a great friend of von Marées in Rome) and with the opening of Germany to French impressionism. He became director of the Nationalgalerie in Berlin and immediately revolutionized it, purchasing thirty works of Impressionists in Paris, marginalizing genre painting, which had dominated the German scene (Piloty, von Werner) until then, and rediscovering a modern stream in the nineteenth century German art, from Menzel onwards, that was fitting with French developments. This is why he was attacked by the Emperor himself in 1908, triggering a reaction ("The Tschudi case") which was the first episode of rebellion of official cultural circles against the imperial political-establishment. "Tschudi was the ideal figure of the good highly cultivated German and European of the years preceding the war; he was never bound by official protocol, always devoted to the cultural soul of the nation, to which he had voluntarily chosen to belong [editor's note: he was born as Swiss citizen], an intermediary and guardian of our heritage; he was equally so pure that after the war the appearance of such personalities would no longer be in line with the times, because the necessary (even social) conditions, which were instead been granted to him, would be missing." [37]

Fig. 18) From “Kunst für alle” of April 15, 1908: the defence of Hugo von Tschudi
(the photo refers to other issues)

Julius Meier-Graefe, finally, was the great polemicist and populariser who - in early 1900 – spread the knowledge of Impressionists to the large German public, avoiding that the interest in them would remain confined only within the sectarian world of Secessions [38]. In the early years of the century, Meier-Graefe clashed with supporters of late-romantic German art, especially with the fans of Böcklin and Klinger, and addressed the issue in a monograph with the tones of a violent pamphlet (The Böcklin case and the lesson of the units, 1905 [39]) in which he fully took the side of French art against German spiritualist drifts. Uhde-Bernays - fond of the Feuerbach’s classical painting - fully supported him, seeing in those developments of German art the expression of late-romantic vitalism and of anti-classicist dogmas, which he so much opposed [40]. The two met in Berlin in 1906, on the occasion of the "Jahrhundertausstellung deutscher Kunst" (The century exhibition of German art). In the memoirs Uhde-Bernays wrote: "This memorable exhibition was decisive for my relationship with the nineteenth-century German painters. 'Freedom and Beauty', the motto of my generation, also threw me in the arms of Impressionism, whose powers of expression and figurative purposes seemed to me to have a conceptual character. We were people who wanted to stay on this part of the world [editor's note: it is a polemical reference against symbolism and perhaps against Nietzsche’s thinking ‘beyond good and evil’], and we did not derive any satisfaction from the mystical negations or romantic fantasies; therefore, we turned towards the sunny side of life. Hence our enthusiasm for Manet and Renoir, hence our approval for Liebermann, Trübner and Slevogt.”  [41] They were the German Impressionists, who in a single decade would change from representing vanguard to supporting reaction in Germany: they first represented the rebellion against academic painting and then, starting in 1910, had to defend themselves more and more against the Expressionist avant-garde. Uhde-Bernays ignored expressionism in the first edition of the Letters in 1926, but was forced to include it in the second edition of 1956.

Fig. 19) Max Liebermann, The garden of the artist, 1918

Fig. 20) Wilhelm Trübner, Villa in Spring Time, 1918

Fig. 21) Max Slevogt, Angolo assolato del giardino, 1921

The exhibition of 1906 was co-organized by Tschudi and Meier-Graefe, two very different personalities, and yet a very effective couple. The exhibition not only made the Impressionists well known to the general public, but it also led to the rediscovery of many nineteenth-century German painters who had been completely forgotten (Caspar David Friedrich, Philipp Otto Runge) or had been scarcely appreciated up to that moment (Wilhelm Leibl, Hans von Marées and Anselm Feuerbach). French and German art were rediscovered as a joint moment of liberation from the Academy and the conventions of the Biedermeier style and historical painters. Around the magazine "Kunst und Künstler" (Art and Artists), with Meier-Graefe and the Cassirer cousins, that environment of cosmopolitan art historians (Eberhard von Bodenhausen, Karl Scheffler, Wilhelm Hausenstein and many others) was being born in Berlin, who will identify their mission in the diffusion of French art in Germany, not as an art alien, but as the ultimate expression of an universal art. It developed in those years, with Hans Trog, Tschudi, Meier-Graefe, and Nemes [42], the interpretation of Impressionism as an eternal category of the spirit and a new appearance of classicism, which had its origins in the discovery of the modernity of Velázquez (Tschudi), El Greco (Meier-Graefe), and Matthias Grünewald.

Fig. 22) The first issue of Kunst und Künstler in 1902

In 1915, during the First World War, Uhde-Bernays was one of the signatories of a manifesto in favour of Meier-Graefe, against high treason accusations he suffered from nationalist art criticism. The list of signatories in his support shows that this manifesto was not promoted by a revolutionary group of vanguard art critics (of course, a group of critics with a Marxian revolutionary orientation existed, but they did not take sides with Meier-Graefe and they did not support what they believed were mere bourgeois battles); they were instead representative of a rather conservative cultural establishment, which however rejected "this kind of Germanness" [43]. Being part of the art critics regularly writing in Kunst und Kunstler, Uhde-Bernays was an integral part of this world. To Uhde-Bernays, impressionism was the continuation of Goethe's world.

The painting of German classicism

Fig. 23) Carl Spitzweg, The poor poet, 1839

The centre of Uhde-Bernays’s artistic interest was Munich, then one of the European capitals of contemporary art together with Paris, but also the cultural centre of a strong relationship between Germany and the antique classical world. Besides Anselm Feuerbach – to whom he devoted an important part of his art criticism - he wrote monographs on Carl Spitzweg (1913) [44] and on the Munich landscape artists of the nineteenth century (1921) [45]. His book on Spitzweg, an artist now almost completely forgotten, had great resonance at that time, and it is said to have been the most widely read art monograph in Germany in the years before the First World War. To the Munich Painting of the nineteenth century Uhde-Bernays devoted two volumes in 1922, together with Rudolf Oldenbourg, covering the artistic events of the last century in the Bavarian capital [46].

Fig. 24) Anselm Feuerbach, Francesca da Rimini and Paolo Malatesta, 1864 ca.

Munich was the home of the first European Secession since 1892, and also the location of rival editorial staff which created different styles and layouts: the Jugendstil (from the Jugend magazine) and political satire (from the Simplizissimus magazine). The interest of Uhde-Bernays, however, did not actually go so much to the vanguard of the Munich secession (Stuck and Lenbach) at the end of the century, but to the mid-century classical painters, and at most the early Romantics, on condition that they would be able to maintain some balance in their creations. As we have said, he was opposed to any late romantic and spiritualist drift; it was a rift that divided the entire German world in those years (think of the clash between the partisans of Brahms, the classic romantic, and Brückner, the more extreme romantic).

Fig. 25) Anselm Feuerbach, Plato's Symposium (First Version), 1869

Fig. 26) Anselm Feuerbach, Plato's Symposium (Second Version), 1871-1874

End of Part One
Go to Part Two 

NOTES

[1] Uhde-Bernays Hermann, Künstlerbriefe über Kunst. Bekenntnisse von Malern, Architekten und Bildhauern aus fünf Jahrhunderten, Mit sechzig Selbstbildnissen und den Künstler-Unterschriften, Verlag von Wolfgang Jess, Dresden, 1926, 967 pages. Quotation at page 7.

[2] It is worth mentioning the positive review by H. Friedberger in the journal Kunst und Kunstler (the magazine to which Uhde-Bernays collaborated) in 1928. See :http://digi.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/diglit/kk1928/0311?sid=88fa5be24c5feb158dffe5bcd8867532

[3] It is indeed surprising that the long list of scholars which were consulted by Uhde-Bernays did not include Julius von Schlosser, who had just published his Kunstliteratur in 1924. That text, on its part, did not include any reference to Uhde-Bernays.

[4] Kern, Joseph Guido, Uhde-Bernays, Hermann - Anselm Feuerbachs Briefe an seine Mutter,Berlin, Meyer & Jessen, 1911, 304 pages

[5] The text is available at the internet address: https://archive.org/details/henriettefeuerba00feueuoft

[6] The text is available at the internet address: https://archive.org/details/anselmfeuerbachs00feueuoft

[7] Uhde-Bernays, Hermann - Ein Feuerbach-Brevier, Vienna, Meyer und Jessen, 1912, 102 pages.

[8] Uhde-Bernays, Hermann, Winckelmanns kleine Schriften zur Geschichte der Kunst des Altertums, Leipzig, Insel-Verlag, 1913, 293 pages.

[9] Uhde-Bernays, Hermann -Johann Joachim Winckelmann: Ausgewählte Schriften, Leipzig, Insel-Verlag, 1914, 87 pages.

[10] The text is available at the internet address: https://archive.org/stream/neuesvonspitzweg00spit#page/n5/mode/2up

[11] Uhde-Bernays, Hermann: Unbekannte Briefe Winckelmanns, Leipzig, Sammlung Kippenberg, 1921, 79 pages.

[12] Uhde-Bernays Hermann, Kleine Schriften und Briefe. Kleine Schriften zur Geschichte der Kunst des Altertums und Ausgewählte Briefe, Leipzig, Insel-Verlag, 1925, 292 pages (first volume) e 335 pages (second volume).

[13] Uhde-Bernays Hermann, Mein weißes Haus, Zurich and Stuttgart, Eugen Rentsch Verlag, 1954, 164 pages

[14] Uhde-Bernays Hermann, Mein weißes Haus, (quoted), p. 155.

[15] The German Biographical Dictionary confirms that the penalty was imposed on Uhde-Bernays because he rejected the Nazi nationalist views and did not recant his pro-European views. See: https://books.google.de/books?id=-MAlCv4xROAC&pg=PA153&lpg=PA153&dq=uhde-bernays+schreibverbot&source=bl&ots=3DpqyABrS7&sig=GsbH-6gGhhg9jq9H-h0Frx2ajhY&hl=de&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwitwum-7LDLAhXKpnIKHZxkDzc4ChDoAQg2MAY#v=onepage&q=uhde-bernays%20schreibverbot&f=false .

[16] Uhde-Bernays Hermann, Mein weißes Haus, quoted, p. 156

[17] Uhde-Bernays, Hermann - Im Lichte der Freiheit, Munich, Nymphenburger Verlagshandlung Insel Verlag, 1963, 607 pages. Quotation from page 428.

[18] Wolfgang Jess, enlisted in the very last days of the Second World War, died in the battle of Berlin. The publishing house was destroyed in the bombing of Dresden. Between 1947 and 1958 his wife Marianne had continued publications, until the communist regime took away the license. See: http://www.stadtwikidd.de/wiki/Verlag_Wolfgang_Jess

[19] In the same year the same edition also appeared in the Federal Republic of Germany. It was released by the publisher Nymphenburger Verlagsbuchhandlung in Munich. It is a very strange fact; the only explanation we can offer is that Uhde-Bernays agreed that the publication was made in Dresden by the 'historic' publisher Wolfgang Jess, but did not want to restrict the circulation of the book’s second edition to eastern Germany, with which West Germany had no relationship, and so published a mirror issue in the West.

[20] Guhl, Ernst - Künstler - Briefe. Übersetzt und erläutert, Berlin, Trautwein, 1853. The text is available at the internet address: https://archive.org/details/kunstlerbriefe01guhl

[21] Guhl, Ernst - Künstler-Briefe. Band 2, Kunst und Künstler des siebzehnten Jahrhunderts, Berlin, Guttentag, 1856. The text is available at the internet address: https://archive.org/details/kunstlerbriefe02guhl.

[22] See the item "Uhde, August Friedrich Hermann Karl" in: Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie 39 (1895), pages 140-141. http://www.deutsche-biographie.de/pnd117267457.html?anchor=adb.

[23] Uhde-Bernays, Hermann - Im Lichte der Freiheit, Wiesbaden, Insel Verlag, 1948, 535 pages. It was consulted in the second reviewed edition of 1963, edited by the publishing house Nymphenburger Verlagshandlung in Munich (607 pages)

[24] Uhde-Bernays, Im Lichte der Freiheit, quoted (…), p. 10

[25] Uhde-Bernays, Im Lichte der Freiheit, quoted (…), p. 265

[26] Uhde-Bernays, Im Lichte der Freiheit, quoted (…), p. 366

[27] Uhde-Bernays Hermann, Mein weißes Haus, quoted.

[28] The second edition, which I consulted, was finished in 1958 and published in 1963

[29] See Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, march 7, 1964, http://www.gbv.de/dms/faz-rez/640307_FAZ_0081_BuZ5_0001.pdf.

[30] Uhde-Bernays, Im Lichte der Freiheit, quoted (…), p. 582.

[31] Uhde-Bernays, Im Lichte der Freiheit, quoted (…), p. 9.

[32] Uhde-Bernays, Im Lichte der Freiheit, quoted (…), p. 428.

[33] Uhde-Bernays, Im Lichte der Freiheit, quoted (…), p. 264.

[34] Uhde-Bernays Hermann, Künstlerbriefe über Kunst, … (quoted), p. 9

[35] Uhde-Bernays, Im Lichte der Freiheit, quoted (…), p. 203

[36] Uhde-Bernays, Im Lichte der Freiheit, quoted (…), p. 263

[37] Uhde-Bernays, Im Lichte der Freiheit, quoted (…), pp. 385-386

[38] Compared to French developments, the entrance of the Impressionists in Germany was very late, and occurred when the artistic movement in Paris had run out and had already been replaced by most post-Impressionist streams. In Berlin, the Impressionists come only in 1898-1899, even years after the first raids of the avant-garde with the immediately prohibited exhibition of Munch organized by Walter Leistikow in Berlin in 1892. Uhde-Bernays had witnessed the presence of Munch, Hamsun and Przybyszewki – the cursed artists and writers - in Symbolist circles of artists and writers ("all three alcoholics, poor, often without any idea how to get on with life the next day, and yet determined not to make any concessions to bourgeois", see p. 216 of Im Lichte der Freiheit). Contemporaneously, he also experienced the contemporary commercial success of the Impressionists within the bourgeoisie of the German capital, thanks to Cassirer brothers.

[39] The text is available at the internet address: https://archive.org/details/derfallbcklinun00meiegoog

[40] Uhde-Bernays, Im Lichte der Freiheit, quoted (…), p. 361

[41] Uhde-Bernays, Im Lichte der Freiheit, quoted (…), p. 381

[42] Uhde-Bernays, Im Lichte der Freiheit, quoted (…), p. 427

[43] See: Meier-Graefe, Julius - Kunst ist nicht für Kunstgeschichte da: Briefe und Dokumente, Gottingen, Wallstein Verlag, 2001, 574 pages. Quote pp. 426-426.The signatories were: Peter Behrens, Theodor Behrens, Oskar Bie, Eberhard Freiherr von Bodenhausen-Degener, Hugo Bruckmann, Lovis Corinth, Richard Dehmel, Walther Epstein, Paul Fechter, H.A. Graf Harrach, Kurt Herrmann, Adolf von Hildebrand, Hugo von Hofmannsthal, Georg Kolbe, Leo Freiherr von König, H.E. Lind-Walther, Julius Levin, Kurt Freiherr von Mutzenbecher, Karl Ernst Osthaus, Gustav Pauli, Hermann vom Rath, R.A. Schröder, Eugen Spiro, Georg Swarzenski, Louis Tuallon, H. Uhde-Bernays, Lutz Wolde, Heinrich Wölfflin.

[44] The text is available at the internet address: https://archive.org/details/carlspitzwegdesm00uhdeuoft.

[45] The text is available at the internet address: https://archive.org/details/mnchenerlandsc00uhdeuoft.

[46] Oldenbourg, Rudolf and Uhde-Bernays, Hermann - Die Münchner Malerei im neunzehnten Jahrhundert. Teil I: Die Epoche Max Josephs und Ludwigs I. II.Teil: 1850-1900. Mit zahlreichen Abbildungen im Text. Munich, Verlag F. Bruckmann A.-G., 1922, pages 302 e 303.