Paul Westheim, Confessions of Artists. Letters, Memoirs and Observations of Contemporary Artists. Part Two

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Paul Westheim,
Confessions of Artists.
Letters, Memoirs and Observations of Contemporary Artists.

Propyläen Publishing House, Berlin, 1925, 359 pages

Review by Francesco Mazzaferro
Part Two 

[Original Version: March 2016 - New Version: April 2019]

Fig. 2) The advertising of the Confessions of artists by Paul Westheim.

(Source: Andreas Zeising, From the artist confession to the artist interview)

Go back to Part One

How artists were chosen

Ninety years after the publication of the Confessions, what strikes the reader most is Westheim’s will to provide an anthology whose horizons would range well beyond Germany, in terms of style, discipline and geographic origin of the artists. "From Marees in Germany to Cezanne in France - the author wrote in the preface - the present volume contains literary statements of artists of the last two generations of painters, sculptors, architects and, as a representative of the new art form, Charlie Chaplin. All the 'directions' are represented: German-Romans, Impressionists, Neo-impressionists, Cubists, Futurists, Expressionists, Realists, Purists, Supremacists and Constructivists. Are equally represented artists of almost all countries: we have collected contributions from Germany, France, Russia, Italy, Austria, Czechoslovakia, Switzerland, the Netherlands, Belgium, Latvia and America. If, thanks to this composition, we had managed to produce a record of our times, a contribution to their artistic characteristics, we would have reached our intentions."  [41]

Written records were published not only by visual artists, but also by architects (the Viennese Secessionist Joseph Maria Olbrich, the Germans Rationalists Hans Poelzig, Bruno Taut and Otto Bartning, the American Franz Lloyd Wright). The Confessions included the contributions of caricaturists (Rudolf Wilke and Walter Trier, illustrators of Jugend and Simplicissimus, the famous rival journals), and - as it has already been said - (even if only one page) also Charlie Chaplin, as a representative of the new art, cinema.

A surprising aspect (when one switches to consider the nationality of the authors) is the clear asymmetry in terms of today's reputation between the foreign artists, mainly French (and European in general) on the one hand, and the German ones, on the other one.

To illustrate this asymmetry, it is sufficient to enumerate the artists outside the German-speaking world, in the order they appear in the Confessions: Sisley, Rodin, Ensor, Cézanne, Gauguin, Redon, van Gogh, Signac, Rousseau Le Douanier, Matisse, Picasso, Braque, Gris, Derain, de Vlaminck, Laurecin, Chagall, Marinetti, Kogan, de Chirico, Čapek, Leger, Gleizes, Zāle, Puni, Ozenfant and Jeanneret (i.e. Le Corbusier), Malevich, Altman and Lissitzky. It is evident that Westheim already had in 1925 an established idea of the pantheon of modern art and in particular of its historic French core. There were, it is true, no American artists, which proves that the author's vision was still very Eurocentric. The latest avant-garde in Central and Eastern Europe (Josef Čapek, Kārlis Zale) and in Russia (together with Malevich, also Ivan Puni, Natan Altman and Eliezer Lissitzky; to them we must add Kandinsky, who despite writing in German, was a Russian by birth) was however well represented. Even today, in fact, this list could be the core of an anthology of modern art history sources in Europe (albeit with some adjustments).

Even among the German-speaking authors there are names that still today would ensure the success of an anthology on the German art literature of the 'modern classic' period: the aforementioned von Marées, Hans Thoma, Max Liebermann, Lovis Corinth, Ferdinand Hodler (a Swiss German, even if the quoted excerpts were in French), Wassily Kandinsky (Russian, as was just said, but his texts were in German), August Macke, Paula Modersohn, Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Emil Nolde, Max Pechstein, Oskar Kokoschka and Alfred Kubin (both Austrian), Georg Grosz and Conrad Felixmuller.

Yet, several texts belong to German artists who today are largely unknown to the general public, and could at most aspire to a local notoriety, limited to their cities or regions of origin. Their inclusion in the anthology is a matter of great interest, because it reveals an image of modern art in Germany which no longer corresponds to the currently prevalent one.

Here are the names of these artists who would today be considered as 'backbenchers', with some brief biographical data: Curt Hermann (1854-1929), the neo-impressionist painter and founding member of the Berlin Secession; Paul Adolf Seehaus (1891-1919), the Rhenish expressionist painter; William Morgner (1891-1917), the expressionist painter from Westphalia; Ludwig Meidner (1884-1966), the expressionist painter active in Berlin; the Russian-German Robert Genin (1884-1941), painter and illustrator, active in Berlin; Friedrich Ahlers-Hestermann (1883-1973), the expressionist painter active in Hamburg; Rudolf Levy (1875-1944), the Rhenish expressionist painter; Rudolf Großmann (1882-1941), the painter and illustrator member of the Berlin Secession; the Italian-born Ernesto de Fiori (1884-1945), sculptor and member of the New Objectivity; Otto Pankok (1893-1966), the designer inspired by New Objectivity; and Rudolf Belling (1886-1972), the sculptor active in the revolutionary artistic groups in Berlin in 1919.

As already mentioned in Part One, these names testify to a battle that Westheim led in those years, but ultimately lost: that of pushing German art towards a more attenuated, less radical, and perhaps more French-oriented form of modern art, inspired by naturalism, which would identify itself with the more classical forms which today are placed as part of the New Objectivity, but who were then often called 'verism' and 'purism', terms now fallen into disuse in terms of modern painting.

Some important absences

The anthology of Westheim collected the writings of the two generations preceding 1925. One has to ask why the writings of some of the artists that are now considered as a reference in the time span between 1885 and 1925 did not appear there. The absence of the essay Malerei und Zeichnung (Painting and drawing), that Max Klinger published in 1891, and of his handbook Das Erlernen der Malerei (Learning to paint) in 1908, can be easily explained by the real ostracism operated in Germany against the secessionist painter, sculptor and engraver (who had even been considered, at least for some decades, the greatest artist of German history ever). Immediately after his death in 1920, the art historian Meier-Graefe had expressed very harsh judgments against Klinger. Westheim was an active part of the artist's repudiation: he did not bear his contamination between symbolism and strong reference to the Greek and Latin classics. This was not the type of classicism which he aspired.

Moreover, apart from the one in Berlin, Westheim did not show great enthusiasm for the secessions. The anthology presented no references to the poems and aphorisms of the Vienna Secession artists (Klimt, Schiele), although it included some letters of Kokoschka on his fetishist passion for Alma Mahler (Westheim had dedicated a monograph to the Austrian artist in 1918) and of the architect Josef Maria Albrichs (who had designed the Secession building in Vienna). Also, there were no excerpts testifying to the Munich secession.

Among the most important German artists of the following decades, texts were missing by Max Beckmann, Otto Dix, Max Ernst, Karl Hofer, Paul Klee, Käthe Kollwitz and Franz Marc. In some cases, the absences were sensational: it was not included in the anthology, for example, Der Almanach "Der Blaue Reiter" (The Blue Rider Almanac) by Kandinsky and Franz Marc in 1912. In other cases the lack of texts today considered fundamental was inevitable, since they would be released to the public only in the '40s and' 50s: for example, Tagebuchblätter und Briefe (diaries and letters) by Käthe Kollwitz in 1948, Erinnerungen eines Malers (Memoirs of a painter) by Karl Hofer in 1953, and the Tagebücher (Diaries) by Klee in 1957. Even Nolde’s impressive memoirs (although this painter was present, thanks to the biographical texts of a very intimate tone, written by his friend Hans Fehr) appeared only between 1931 and 1967. The Briefe (Letters) of Dix were even published in 2013.

Nevertheless, some absences cannot be explained by the fact that the texts had not yet been published: Beckmann’s Briefe im Kriege (Letters from the war) had already been published, for example, even in 1916 with the war still ongoing; likewise, many of his aesthetic essays were available. In fact, this absence was due to an irrepressible aversion: in an article entitled "Beckmann: The True Expressionism", Westheim compared him to Holbein (another 'artist maudit', a cursed artist, in his view) to sketch the portrait of a demon-possessed, fanatic, egocentric, and neurotic man. The term 'Expressionism' was generally considered by Westheim a much abused category, or to use his words, an "ambiguous cliché, used by too many people in directions divergent from each other." [42] The title of the article also had a subtle polemic intent: Westheim was accused by Walden - see Part One - to be a 'pseudo-expressionist', and hence the expression 'real-expressionist' was not used in a completely neutral way. Lutz Windhöfel also devoted several pages of his essay to the difficulties in the personal and aesthetic relations between Westheim and Beckmann [43].

Let us continue with the missing writings: in the anthology were omitted important essays of Klee, like the Schöpferische Konfession, namely the Creative Confession of 1920, which had already had a huge impact on the German art and aesthetic thinking, leading expressionism towards abstraction in a mystical sense. Here the explanation is more complex. We have already seen, in other posts in this blog, that in his Munich years the still unknown Paul Klee had changed several times his own style, gradually approaching to Expressionism: it was Walden (who included him in his group shows in Berlin and of whom Klee was a great friend) to encourage the painter in that direction. From Klee’s correspondence we can understand that, when Westheim founded the Kunstblatt in 1917, Klee was not entirely convinced by the editorial project [44]. Between 1920 and 1921, when Klee achieved success and the first monographs devoted to him were published, he was very skilled at controlling the image that he gave of himself through art critics: he used his (still unpublished) diaries to provide arguments to his friends among the art critics (von Wedderkop, Leopold Zahn and Wilhelm Hausenstein). In this context, Klee decided to bind himself neither to Walden nor to Westheim and signed a general mandate with the gallery of Hans Goltz in Munich, which organized the first retrospective in 1920; a year later he obtained the teaching at the Bauhaus, and thereby obtained the financial independence. However, Lutz Windelhöfel explains in his essay [45] that Westheim could not accept the idea that Klee had not chosen him and the editorial line of the journal in his charge showed it very well: while a special issue of Kunstblatt dedicated to the artist was released in July 1919, the retrospective organized by Goltz in 1920 was completely ignored: no review, no picture. The Kunstblatt would return to speak on Klee only in 1929. Once again, the Weimar Republic seems like a litigious and ungovernable society in which critics and artists joined forces to fight each other in a real war between gangs.

The list of absences ends with the writings of all the Dada artists (starting with Arp and Ernst), none of which is included. In fact, Westheim had a classical style, conceived art as an organization of nature by the artist, and could not be but highly sceptical of such an iconoclastic movement.

Biased choices

It should be added that, also in the case of some artists included in the anthology, the specific choice of the excerpts made by Westheim seemed decidedly geared to supporting the artistic model that he wanted to present to the reader. It is very significant, in my opinion, that Kandinsky was not quoted with passages from his seminal essay Über das Geistige in der Kunst (Concerning the Spiritual in Art) of 1912 - by far the most important manifesto of abstract art in the German world - or any of his many aesthetic texts of those years. Instead, two pages, though very beautiful ones, were published that the painter wrote specifically for the Confessions, in 1923; they apparently confirmed the idea at the base of Westheim’s aesthetics, namely that art was based on the meeting between material and spiritual aspects. On Kirchner, one should notice the absence of his manifesto Die Brücke (The Bridge), 1906. Instead, a single page was devoted to him, with four undated aphorisms, completed by the illustration of an oil painting (Der Mann, The Man) produced in 1914, when the Bridge group had already split.

It is rather surprising to find out that one of the authors to whom the Confessions devoted more space was Wilhelm Morgner, not so much because the expressionist of Westphalia is today almost forgotten outside the town of Soest, where he lived until he was drafted in World War I, falling on the front, but mostly because Morgner (affiliated with the Sturm magazine and the group of Walden) had been subject to heavy slating by Westheim. When the war ended, the widow and the friend Georg Tappert had even turned to the critic with words of reprimand, reproaching him the pain that his words had caused to the mother of the painter, after his son had passed so tragically away [46]. Nevertheless, 'Pros and Cons. Critical Writings on Contemporary Art', published by Westheim in 1923 still contained very hard judgments about the deceased. From internal evidence, however, it seems clear, to tell the true, that the pages on Morgner had been written in the months directly preceding his death in war [47]. Perhaps the decision to publish in the 1925 anthology twenty pages of letters sent by Morgner from the front to the friend Tappert (accompanied by some beautiful designs) was a kind of moral compensation. This might have been an afterthought, if not on the artistic artwork at least on the personality of Morgner, who told us in some beautiful pages about the dreams and nightmares of a life in the trenches.

In short, it is clear that the Confessions were an opportunity for the critic to systematically expose his thoughts about the German art of his time, by punishing with the exclusion those who did not think like him, by giving much emphasis to artists who (with hindsight) would not pass into history and by taking the opportunity to re-think some perhaps too drastic judgments of his past. In any case, if the path of German art had stopped at the time of publication of the Confessions and if the interpretation of Westheim had established itself as a new canon of interpretation, the direction of German art in the first quarter of the twentieth century would not have been necessarily what it is now universally known.

The philosophizing artist

Using a categorization according to Max Weber's Idealtypen, we can identify different ‘ideal types’ inside the Confessions: the philosophizing artist, the childhood-nostalgic artist, the cursed artist, the troubled artist and the pragmatic one.

The anthology cannot open but with the Letters (Briefe) of Hans von Marées (1837-1887), the Romantic painter who was very deeply influenced by idealism. He moved to Rome in the '70s and died fifty-year old because of malaria, which he had contracted in the marshes of the Roman countryside. The correspondence, published posthumously in 1920 (and therefore available only since a few years for the readers of the Confessions), contained mostly letters to the sculptor and art theorist Adolf von Hildebrand and to the art critic Konrad Fiedler: they were two milestones of late nineteenth century German aesthetics, and in particular of the so-called theory of the form. Therefore, that epistolary was the ideal point to start any read path for a Weimar reader aware of the main German aesthetic orientations.

On January 22, 1882, the painter wrote to Fiedler that he had been thinking about the nature of art and philosophy and on what distinguishes them: "To be precise, the entire aspiration of the artist does not originate, as in the philosopher, in the search of the truth for the good of truth, since the artist tends to be able to satisfy his natural instincts.” [48] Fiedler, in his reply, was probably very surprised and the painter immediately corrected the shot, just one week later, while defending the artist's independence: "Since the beginning of my writing today I must note that in my last letter I expressed myself in an entirely wrong way, and this will certainly happen again. I would have had to leave aside the word truth. (...) Yet, to understand the essence of art, I think it is absolutely necessary to understand the artist above all, because without him there is no art. (...) A born artist is the one to whom nature has put an ideal in the soul, and this ideal is in him the role of truth; in this ideal he believes; the goal of his life has become to bring the ideal to the state of the purest conscience, so that one can show it to others. " [49] That ideal cannot be described in words: the artist can only reveal it with his instruments, in the case of von Marées through painting.

Later on, it was a painter of the Berlin Secession, Curt Herrmann (1854-1929), to address the issue of the difference between art and philosophy. Hermann, an academic in Berlin, and the chairman of the so-called "Free Secession" (Freie Sezession), i.e. the more conservative wing of the secessionist Berliners after the various divisions they suffered in the 1910s, held a conference on the “Science of the artist” in March 1920 (Die Wissenschaft des Künstlers). The text was published for the first time in the Confessions. "The primary component in art is always the feeling, the impulse to create symbols to represent the phenomena of this world, to understand how they mirror themselves in the human spirit, and to be able to bring out new creations from them. The imagination is the mother of art, while the manual ability is its base. The 'science of the artist' is, however, an unlimited amount of knowledge of the different humanities, to help those who have a predisposition to art to penetrate even more deeply into the creative process of nature and in the ethical and aesthetic aspects of this world. Who is able to cultivate these sciences is a philosopher and as such can be an artist or scholar. In a scholar this science is condensed into a strict and pure human science; in the artist, it becomes a knowledge which enables him to create." [50] Westheim proposed therefore Marées and Herrmann as prototypes of philosophizing artists, still deeply influenced by the nineteenth-century idealistic culture.

To them he added Vassilji Kandinsky (1866-1944), who drafted a very short text for Westheim dated April 1923, and entitled "Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow". It was a theoretical text, which sought to affirm the underlying continuity of art, identifying opposite movements that are destined to converge: analysis and synthesis, materialism and spiritualism, intuitive method and doctrinaire approach, practice and theory. Practice creates monumental art, while theory provides the basis of the science of art. "All of these directions that seem to exclude one another come together in the last two purposes [translator's note: practice and theory], which in turn merge into a single goal. Thus, the words "or ... or" (used in the past) are now replaced by the word of tomorrow: "and". " [51] It was the goal of a great synthesis between the artist who paints and artist who thinks; at the same time it was a recurrence of the basic concepts of idealistic aesthetic dialectic.

But perhaps the most intellectual of the artists in the Confessions was, again in those years, Conrad Felixmuller (1897-1977), one of the fathers of the New Objectivity. His 1924 writing "On art" (Über Kunst) defined it as "a historical matter, since it is the expression of human society; the aesthetic moment is here of secondary importance. Even more so in these times of economic crisis, of spiritual crisis. Needs and misery make thoughts and feelings real, and their interpretation is objective, short and accentuated. Ideas from economy, politics, religion and technical sciences affect constantly the character of our art, give it the brand of the dissolution or the renewal, of revolution or romantic infatuation. (...) The man is placed consciously to the centre of art: inside, the man can no longer be an appearance that does not have to give any account of himself, and is not marked by limits, but his presence must be marked by the assumption of a complete social responsibility." [52]

If, in Felixmuller, there were elements who still recalled the German romantic aesthetic (like the recurring concept of painting as an act of will, or Kunstwollen), with him it also became clear how much water had passed under the bridge since the Marées-Fiedler correspondence, in the course of two generations only: "Art becomes an action addressed to an end, and the more it becomes purpose-dependent, the more it loses those esoteric elements of styles which away from time and from world, and of subjective visions of things, and at the same time tries its hand more and more to cope with our daily life." [53]

The childhood-nostalgic artist

To the idealistic and romantic view of an artist who was able to grasp the truth of things in the depths of his soul corresponded the idea that his original spirit was formed in childhood and adolescence. Childhood was thus not only a time to be remembered, but also the primigenial formative moment of the artist's spirit. This explained therefore the several extracts that Westheim included on the childhood memories of the artists, with the lyrical pages of the German impressionist Lovis Corinth (1858-1925), of the French Symbolist Odilon Redon (1840-1916), and of the Belorussians Marc Chagall (1887-1985) and Robert Genin (1884 –1941).

Maurice de Vlaminck (1856-1958) made precisely the point in 1921: "I am looking with great suspicion at rational thoughts. My effort is to find myself in the depths of the unconscious and the impulses that lurk there. (...) I am continuing to look at things today with the eyes of a child. Although I am now a 45 year old man, my highest ecstatic thoughts are based on the same reasons as those of my childhood: a road in the woods, a country lane (...) , the bank of a river, a house that is reflected in water, the profile of a ship, a house on the roadside, a sky with black clouds, a sky with pink clouds." [54] The French Fauvist painter recalled the visit to an exhibition of van Gogh, when he was a teenager: "My mind was upset, and I felt the need to cry for joy and despair. That day, I loved van Gogh more than I loved my father. " [55]

The cursed artist

The Confessions contained some personal pages of Paul Gauguin (1848-1903), Vincent Van Gogh (1853-1890), Henri Rousseau (1844-1910) and Marie Laurencin (1883-1956), all centred on the difficulty (and impossibility) for the artist to let himself understood.

Gauguin’s letters to the painter and collector Georges-Daniel de Monfreid (1856-1929), published in France in 1918 and Germany in 1920, told of daily difficulties: "I was very sick. Think: I had to take transfusions, a quarter liter of blood per day - unbearable. With mustard patches along the legs, suckers on the chest, and nothing missing. The doctor at the hospital was quite worried and thought I was a goner now. (...) Now I am living like a savage, and my body is naked except in private parts." [56] There were pages where the reader was confronted with the desperation of a man left alone, devoid of sustenance, and in constant danger of life.

Van Gogh wrote to his brother Theo to express concern that he did not want to confess to his father that he lived in poverty. After all "from my point of view I am often very rich, not in money, but (even if not every day) rich because I have found my work, that I have something to which I can devote body and soul and gives meaning to the enthusiasm and my life." [57] Rousseau instead wrote to Guillaume Apollinaire on July 1, 1909, asking to borrow money to pay for clothes and shoes, explaining that he could not earn anything in the last year [58]. Of Marie Laurencin is shown the poem "The painkiller" for the Dada magazine in 1917: "More than bored: Sad / More than sad: Unhappy / More than unhappy: Ill / More than ill: Abandoned / More than abandoned: Alone in the world / More than alone in the world: In exile / More than in exile: Dead / More than dead: Forgotten." [59]

The artist and his disorders

The pages of Alfred Kubin (1877-1959) opened with the statement: "Life is a dream" [60]. And then: "That the creator of the dream and its creation, the dream itself, are somehow in a relationship of identity is most evident when you dream." [61] We are in the Vienna home of the modern psychology, and the artist explains: "Many of my designs are trying to fix my dreams. When I wake up often remain only traces of them in my memory; this rubble and fragments are all that you can hold. We consider the dream as if it were a painting; as well as the dream is made, I wanted to consciously draw as an artist and I have derived greater satisfaction, when I decided to combine the fragments just resurfaced so that they form a whole." [62]

The pragmatic artist

If Westheim - as explained in the first part of this note - made an attempt to reconstruct the relationship between German spirituality and French rationalism, trying first of all a summary of the two main philosophical currents of the continent, he recognizes that there are other traditions that cannot be ignored. This is fully in line with the British pragmatism letter of Alfred Sisley (1839-1899) to Adolphe Tavernier, art critic and friend of the painter, dated January 24, 1892 [63]. In it the impressionist refers to Turner to justify opposition to any theory, and prefers to write what he calls a very short practical course in landscaping.

Twenty years later the same spirit resurfaces with the writings of architecture by Franz Lloyd Wright (1867-1959), in a paper based on his essay "Studies and executed buildings" of 1910. It is a hymn to the application architecture in the spirit democratic [64], and a strong defense of the refusal to apply models of the past (those European neo-Renaissance) to modern houses. Those old models - reducing the livability of citizens' homes - would mark ultimately a lack of respect for the real interests of the customers and their freedom [65].

End of Part Two
Go to Part Three 

NOTES

[41] Westheim, Paul - Künstlerbekenntnisse: Briefe, Tagebücher, Betrachtungen heutiger Künstler, Berlin, Propyläen, 1923, pp. 359. Quotation at pages 9-10.

[42] Westheim, Paul – Für und Wider – Kritische Anmerkungen zur Kunst der Gegenwart … quoted, pages 98-104.

[43] Windhöfel, Lutz – Paul Westheim und Das Kunstblatt, quoted, pp. 314-318

[44] Windhöfel, Lutz – Paul Westheim und Das Kunstblatt, quoted, p. 102

[45] Windhöfel, Lutz – Paul Westheim und Das Kunstblatt, quoted, pp. 239-241

[46] Windhöfel, Lutz – Paul Westheim und Das Kunstblatt, quoted, p.85

[47] Westheim, Paul – Kritische Anmerkungen zur Kunst der Gegenwart (Pros and cons - Critical essays in contemporary art), Potsdam, Kiepenhauer Verlag, p. 194. The article is published at pages 91-97. 

[48] Westheim, Paul - Künstlerbekenntnisse, … quoted, p. 13.

[49] Westheim, Paul - Künstlerbekenntnisse, … quoted, pp. 13-14.

[50] Westheim, Paul - Künstlerbekenntnisse, … quoted, p. 115.

[51] Westheim, Paul - Künstlerbekenntnisse, … quoted, p. 165.

[52] Westheim, Paul - Künstlerbekenntnisse, … quoted, p. 313.

[53] Westheim, Paul - Künstlerbekenntnisse, … quoted, p. 313.

[54] Westheim, Paul - Künstlerbekenntnisse, … quoted, p. 155.

[55] Westheim, Paul - Künstlerbekenntnisse, … quoted, p. 157.

[56] Westheim, Paul - Künstlerbekenntnisse, … quoted, p. 60.

[57] Westheim, Paul - Künstlerbekenntnisse, … quoted, p. 91.

[58] Westheim, Paul - Künstlerbekenntnisse, … quoted, p. 134.

[59] Westheim, Paul - Künstlerbekenntnisse, … quoted, p. 158.

[60] Westheim, Paul - Künstlerbekenntnisse, … quoted, p. 258

[61] Westheim, Paul - Künstlerbekenntnisse, … quoted, p. 258

[62] Westheim, Paul - Künstlerbekenntnisse, … quoted, p. 258

[63] Westheim, Paul - Künstlerbekenntnisse, … quoted, p. 30. In the Confessions, dates and recipients of the letter are not specified. The French text of the letter is available at http://silartetaitconte.hautetfort.com/confidences-de-peintres-1/

[64] Westheim, Paul - Künstlerbekenntnisse, … quoted, p. 207.

[65] Westheim, Paul - Künstlerbekenntnisse, … quoted, p. 208.