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History of Art Literature Anthologies
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Paul Westheim,
Confessions of Artists.
Letters, Memoirs and Observations of Contemporary Artists.
Propyläen Publishing House, Berlin, 1925, 359 pages
Review by Francesco Mazzaferro
Part One
[Original Version: March 2016 - New Version: April 2019]
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| Fig. 1) Paul Westheim’s Anthology of Art History Sources |
A German anthology of sources of contemporary art history
in the golden years of the Weimar Republic
The volume Confessions of artists (Künstlerbekentnisse)
[1] was published in 1925 by the then forty year old Paul Westheim (1886-1963)
[2], one of the central figures of German art history. The volume was dedicated
to the German industrialist, art collector and patron Harry Fuld (1879-1932),
who had made a fortune by bringing phones into the homes of his countrymen and
had invested it in art. In 359 pages, the anthology collected 88 texts by 64
artists, many of which unpublished in Germany [3]. In the essay "Paul Westheim and the Kunstblatt"
[4], Lutz Windhöfel, a scholar of Westheim, explains that preparations lasted four years [5].
We are in the golden years of the Weimar
Republic, which had just left hyperinflation behind, had overcome (albeit only
temporarily) a number of serious institutional crises, was experiencing a phase
of relative stability (which would be brutally interrupted by the 1929
financial crisis) and even allowed itself the luxury of snubbing the imminent
Nazi threat. However, with the benefit of insight, to ignore the Nazi danger turned
to be a big mistake, as the Mein Kampf was
also published in 1925. Westheim, a Jew, would soon find it out the hard way, being
forced to flee first to France and then to Mexico. Two of the artists whose
texts were included by him in this 1925 anthology (Josef Čapek, 1887-1945 and
Moissey Kogan, 1879-1943) would die only a few years later in concentration
camps. Many more would be forced into exile.
If the Confessions
had the clear intention of documenting the art of the last two generations,
they however did it from an almost 'timeless' viewpoint. Indeed, Westheim
wanted to testify that, despite their variety and modernity, contemporary
artists shared the same creative genius as all those who had preceded them over
centuries. It is certainly no coincidence that, with the exception of the
letters, whose date was seen as an integral part of the text, the book did not
offer any systematic chronology of the writings included in the anthology: this
absence was entirely intentional, suggesting that, according to Westheim, the artists’
statements should not be considered as being attributable to any precise
chronological event, and thus as a reaction to specific occurrences, but should
have a timeless value. With the help of the sources on the internet, I still
managed to identify the date of almost all the texts, providing to indicate time
and original location of the sources in this post.
The decision to collect testimonies of
artists in an anthology form was a new development originating from those
years. Only shortly before, in 1920, the volume Bekenntnisse deutscher Künstler (Confessions of German artists) of Hanns Fechner (1860-1931) had
been released. He was a Berlin-based portrait painter who had published
numerous writings, both autobiographical as well as of specifically literary
nature, and had collected testimonies of academic painters of his time, centred
on the theme of art internationalism [10].
In 1921 had appeared in France the first
anthology of writings from artists of the modern era, entitled Les artistes écrivains, edited by Paul Ratouis de Limay (1881-1963), which covered the years from Leon Battista Alberti to Thédore Rousseau, a landscape painter of the Barbizon school, and
therefore excluded impressionists and post-impressionists.
Westheim’s passion for the testimonies of
artists was entirely consistent with his aesthetic conception: he refused to
see painters, sculptors or architects as members of groups or currents, and every
time interpreted them only as individuals, always different among each other. He
was strongly influenced by Schopenhauer and his "The World as Will and Representation", on the basis of which it
is the spirit of the artist to give him the ability to grasp and represent
reality. As an introduction to a 1918 theoretical writing, entitled "The world as representation. The way to the
vision of art" [11], the German critic reproduced a famous page of
Schopenhauer: "The world is my
representation... It becomes clear and certain, that people do not know sun
and earth, but they are always and only their eyes, which see the sun, and their
hands, which touch the ground; it also becomes clear that the world around us
exists only as representation, and therefore always and only in relation to the
other, the representative, who is himself." Thus, artists' confessions
were used to describe how art creators appropriated the world for themselves, both
through physical tools and spiritual means. Thanks to this appropriation of
reality, the artist creates a new order (Ordnung)
that provides a point of synthesis between sensual (sinnlich) and spiritual (geistlich)
aspects. And the theme was so important for Westheim, that he opened with it the
theoretical essay "Thinking on art".
[12]
With the Kunstblatt, the magazine on art, Westheim
was a star of the German art scene in those years. He was the leader of what we
might consider the 'moderate' wing of modern German art criticism. Politically,
he was a liberal. In aesthetic terms, he had strong references for French classicism
(on which he had written an essay in 1923 [13]) and, as we have seen, for the
nineteenth century German aesthetic philosophy. During those years, his great
rival was Herwarth Walden, the promoter of the most radical German
expressionism, founder of the magazine and of the Berlin gallery Der Sturm (The Tempest), politically close to Marxism. The two exchanged fire articles
against each other from their respective journals. Walden accused Westheim of
pseudo-expressionism; Westheim responded blaming Walden of market manipulation,
through indecent speculative operations to the benefit of his artists, first of
all Kandinsky.
When reading the Confessions, we must therefore understand that the anthology had a
twofold purpose. On the one hand Westheim wanted to present a reassuring image
of modern art to the cultivated reader from the German mid-bourgeoisie, in a phase
when there was a strong commercial interest in art as a safe haven. He was, in
fact, the art critic supporting the so-called ‘return to order’. Perhaps, he
even offered a more classical interpretation of the German modern art than would
do, ten years later, the critics of nationalist orientation, like Max
Sauerlandt (who would promote Nolde as the climax of the German national art,
as opposed to the French one - see Emile Nolde, Mein Leben [My Life] Part Two - The Anti-Classical Painter, Paragraph Max Sauerlandt as critic of Emil Nolde). Westheim wrote instead in a highly cosmopolitan
and European perspective, opposing the heroic-nationalist orientations of the
German vanguards in the previous years before the Great War (and again later on
in the 1930s).
On the other hand - and this is the second
dimension of the anthology - the Confessions
are also an attempt to rewrite the history of German and European art
literature, diminishing the importance of the writings of the main
expressionist streams of the early decades of the twentieth century (Die Brücke, or The Bridge and Der blaue Reiter, or The blue Rider),
marginalizing the texts of abstract artists, cancelling the manifestos of Dada
and experimentalism, rewarding the theories of figurative art, and promoting
interest in the writings of a host of new German artists. It should be very
clear that this attempt eventually failed. A few decades later, many of the artists’s
writings contained in the Confessions
would not be remembered anymore as representative of the main currents of German art of
the twentieth century, and the texts would not be to found anymore, after
Westheim’s anthology has gone out of commerce.
Today Walden, the supporter of rebel art, is
considered the benchmark of art criticism in the Weimar Republic, because those
years are mainly remembered for expressionism and abstract art, i.e. the art
streams that served as inspiration to Americans and Europeans after the Second
World War. The test of history, then, was won decades after by expressionism,
abstraction and dada. The final outcome of the clash between the then present
different critical interpretations was however not the final outcome of lesser
or greater dialectical and polemical skills of the leading German critics of
the Weimar Republic: both Westheim (the liberal, favourable to figurative), Walden
(the Marxist, supporter of expressionism and the abstract) and Sauerlandt (the nationalist,
special advocate of Nolde) were eventually swept away by the advent of Nazism.
Westheim - as mentioned - would take refuge first in France and then in Mexico,
where he would begin a second life by becoming a famous critic of pre-Columbian
art. Walden would repair in Moscow where his last traces would be lost in 1941,
when it would disappear as a result of Stalin's purges against the large
community of German Communists fled to Russia. And Sauerlandt would die instead
of illness, shortly after he was sacked from his position as director of the
Kunsthalle in Hamburg in 1934; up to the end, he would be convinced that he had
been completely misunderstood by the Nazis. Instead, the rediscovery of Walden
as a cornerstone of expressionism in Weimar Germany would be the result of the
work of German critics in the after-war time, under the influence of American abstract
expressionism.
With the Confessions, in short, Westheim aimed
at rewriting the history of German art literature (and art), but failed to do
it. I do not think it is a coincidence that the volume has never been published
again after the first edition of 1925. Nonetheless, we will attempt to show
that it was a fundamental text to understand the debate on art in the first
quarter of the twentieth century in Germany. And it was, anyway, a central text
for disseminating the sources of contemporary art history among the public.
The
role of Westheim’s Confessions in the
German art literature
The title Bekenntnisse (Confessions) was inspired by the Confessions of Saint Augustine (397 A.D.) and those (equally known
at the time) of the philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1782). The volume offered
the cultivated German-speaking readers (who
had already read the main text of Julius von Schlosser, the Kunstliteratur published in Vienna in
1924, whose first edition covered however art literature only until the mid-eighteenth
century) an anthology of autograph texts of artists of the last two generations,
from the Roman letters of Hans von Marées (1837-1887) addressed to the theorist
and art critic Konrad Fiedler, still all characterized by the nineteenth-century
idealistic culture, to the statements on constructivism and suprematism of the
Russians Puni (1892-1956), Malevich (1878-1935) and Lissitsky (1890-1941), in
the years when the Soviet Union was still at the forefront of art
experimentation.
In those years, the model of the
Confessions was particularly fashionable. We already mentioned the Confessions of German artists by Hanns
Fechner, published in 1920. In 1926, i.e. one year after the volume of
Westheim, Hermann Uhde-Bernays (1873-1965) edited the Letters of artists. Confessions of painters,sculptures and architects from five centuries, a more extensive anthology that opened with Leon
Battista Alberti and closed with the letters of Van Gogh [14]. The anthology of
Uhde-Bernays was reprinted continuously until the sixties. As Andreas Zeising explains
in a recent article on the use of communication tools by artists, they had
recourse in those years to the confession as a communication strategy [15]. That
fashion was driven by typical aspects of idealism and historicism, which saw
history as a succession of personal manifestations of will revealing the Zeitgeist, the spirit of times.
Zeising also explained that the publication
of memoirs and letters of artists had spread in the German world as from the
last quarter of the nineteenth century. In Germany, great editorial successes were
recorded first with the Memoirs of a German
painter (Lebenserinnerungen eines
deutschen Malers) of the romantic painter Ludwig Richter (1885), the
translation of the Letters to the brother
of Van Gogh (1906) and the posthumous publication of two volumes of the Letters to the mother (Briefe an seine Mutter) by Anselm
Feuerbach (1911) [16]. In 1913 was published a booklet, again by Anselm
Feuerbach, entitled Letters and
confessions (Briefe und Bekenntnisse)
[17] while in 1924 were printed the Confessions
(Bekenntnisse) by Caspar David
Friedrich, of course posthumously [18]. Always of 1925 were Paintings and confessions (Bilder und Bekenntnisse) by Hans Thoma.
[19] [20]
The
legacy of the Nineteenth Century
The anthology of Westheim documented all
steps of German and European art literature in the transition from the
nineteenth century to the modern world (one of the last texts was by Charlie
Chaplin, as Westheim considered cinema as the new art). However, in the
introduction, Westheim proved that he still had very strong links with the
German classical world and with the idealistic aesthetics bases of the nineteenth
century: "The best that has ever been
said about art was written by the artists themselves" [21], he wrote
citing a statement by Hugo von Tschudi (1851-1911), one of the great art
critics of the previous century. Soon after, Westheim clarified that, in truth,
Tschudi had relativized his own statement: "Every artist with great capabilities – wrote von Tschudi - has his own
aesthetics, an aesthetics that depends on the person. There is therefore a
great danger that he would express himself in an unfair and arbitrary way to
third parties. (...) The best which artists have said about art is therefore
what they said on their own art." Thus, artists have to be questioned
about the art they have created themselves: hence the idea of the testimony, the
personal revelation, the confession.
Westheim continued: "Ultimately and decisively, every creative
intuition is something elusive, one of those wonderful possibilities of the
human spirit, which we can glimpse in an equally intuitive way. However, we
will never be capable - fortunately, really never be capable - of fixing it in
conceptual terms. The admiration for the brilliant performance is coupled with
the desire to at least understand what it is understandable in this
inaccessible reality. One can therefore appreciate why it is possible to hope
and believe - and rightly so - to seek clarifications or at least indications
from the same person who creates. The artist writes from another point of view than
all the others who are trying to give these interpretations; he sees the works
of art not only as a finished object, as existing entities, as objects taken
for granted, but from within, from his own atelier and the ongoing process.
Hence, the expectation to obtain, above all, a revelation from the artist about
the most enigmatic side of the artwork: about its conception and the
translation into reality of this conception. The expectation is, then, that he
has not only other things to say, but above all he can speak to us about
existential issues." [22]
The link with the German classical world is
also demonstrated by the choice of the publisher: the Propyläen Verlag, a new publishing house created in 1919 to
disseminate the German classics (Goethe, Schiller). Since 1923, the
"Propylaea" publisher printed a famous universal art history, the Propyläen Kunstgeschichte. Even
typographically, the bond of the Confessions
with the world of German Classicism was strong: for Westheim,
"Propylaea" delivered a text in Gothic letters, when we were already then
in a transition phase to the use of international typographic fonts (the Kunstblatt, i.e. the magazine of
Westheim, was already published in Western characters).
A
European intellectual
However, it would be wrong to think that Westheim was simply a man of conservation, the representative of the past. It was one of the great culture providers in Weimar Germany. And he offered to his readers, with the Confessions, an anthology that included the latest state of affairs in international art literature. Some examples: "The aesthetics of the machine. Manufacturing - The artisan and the artist" by Fernand Léger, was published in French in 1924, and translated into English only in 1974 [23], but, thanks to Westheim, was available in German already in 1925. Even today, the text of the conference "The man’s creative mission in the plastic domain", held by Albert Gleizes, one of the most famous 'philosophizing painters', on December 17, 1921 at the Society of Theosophy of Paris, has only been translated in German in the 1925 version published by Westheim and in a Polish one edited in 1927 by Povolozsky (the original publisher of the French version in Paris). In short, for the German reader the Confessions have remained a very useful source of information on the aesthetic guidelines of the artists at the end of the first quarter of the century. Such an updated anthology of art writings was even not available to the French public in those days.
However, it would be wrong to think that Westheim was simply a man of conservation, the representative of the past. It was one of the great culture providers in Weimar Germany. And he offered to his readers, with the Confessions, an anthology that included the latest state of affairs in international art literature. Some examples: "The aesthetics of the machine. Manufacturing - The artisan and the artist" by Fernand Léger, was published in French in 1924, and translated into English only in 1974 [23], but, thanks to Westheim, was available in German already in 1925. Even today, the text of the conference "The man’s creative mission in the plastic domain", held by Albert Gleizes, one of the most famous 'philosophizing painters', on December 17, 1921 at the Society of Theosophy of Paris, has only been translated in German in the 1925 version published by Westheim and in a Polish one edited in 1927 by Povolozsky (the original publisher of the French version in Paris). In short, for the German reader the Confessions have remained a very useful source of information on the aesthetic guidelines of the artists at the end of the first quarter of the century. Such an updated anthology of art writings was even not available to the French public in those days.
In this post, we want to honour Westheim as
a theorist of figurative modern art, but also as a forerunner of European
integration. Lutz Windhöfel explains that, when the just thirty year-old
Westheim founded the Kunstblatt, in
1917, during the First World War, the German culture was going through a
fundamental change. Before the war, and until 1916, art avant-gardes had
passionately advocated the conflict and had deeply engaged in war advertising
(e.g. producing works of art with a belligerent tone, printed on propaganda
brochures for distribution to the soldiers). Thus, for example, already in 1911 a
group of artists had published a manifesto, titled Protest deutscher Künstler (The
protest of German artists), to protest against the commercial and public
success (or influence) of French art in Germany. Nothing to be surprised: in
August the same year the French searched from top to bottom the transatlantic
Kaiser Wilhelm II, departing from Cherbourg to New York, claiming that the Germans had stolen the Mona Lisa and wanted to transfer it in the United
States. Westheim entered the game with his magazine in 1917, when the German
public's attitude was radically changing after the massacres of Verdun [24]. Since
then, the Kunstblatt aimed at
explaining modern art to the Germans as a common mission of all European
peoples, without claiming any supremacy of Germany and German art over the
others.
This cosmopolitan line featured Westheim’s
entire path. In fact, six months before the Confessions,
but always in 1925, Westheim and the art critic Carl Einstein, also active in
the Kunstblatt, co-edited the "Europe Almanac: painting, literature, music,
architecture, sculpture, theatre, film, fashion and other non-trivial
observations." It was a fascinating text, which has been republished
in facsimile edition a few years ago [25]. It hosted eighty original
contributions which the European intelligentsia wrote especially for that
occasion, at the request of Westheim and Einstein, on various topics. The goal
was to provide the German-speaking public with an overview of what Europe
writers and artists just discussed in those years. In addition to texts by
artists (articles, poems, reflections by Léger, Kandinsky, Severini, de
Vlaminck, Modigliani, Malevich, Le Corbusier, Schlemmer and many others)
articles were published by Bertold Brecht, André Gide, Ezra Pound, Vladimir
Mayakovsky, Arthur Rimbaud, Jean Cocteau, Erik Satie. The last article was by
Westheim himself: they were two pages of aphorisms on the role of art
criticism, but also an attempt to play down the content of the almanac with
some caricurated expressions on art.
I already mentioned that the Almanac was a
text that did testify the basic unit of European culture. I must however
specify that, while the two curators (Paul Westheim and Carl Einstein) made, in
the one hand, profession of hope in culture as an element of solidarity between
Europeans, they also declared, on the other hand, their absolute scepticism
about any possibility to move towards forms of political unity among Europeans.
The Paneuropa movement (1923), the
first action group to pursue the goal of the United States of Europe, had just been
created; however, it was the subject of their mockery in the preface. The tone
of the few introductory lines ("Europe's
trade fair") was replicated by an illustration with a significant
title, presented just before the index page: "Europe drawn by a madman", with no indication of the author.
That design was perhaps the presentiment
that it was too early to advance along the road of European unity, while the
strength of nationalism was still intact. That the world did not go in Westheim’s
desired direction was moreover demonstrated by a review of the young Otto
Schüttler (1905-1974), published in February 1926 in the journal of one of the
nationalist and anti-Semitic movements of "völkisch" character (the literal translation is 'popular'), i.e.
the Bartels Bund [26], which culturally anticipated National Socialism. The
article intended to denounce the danger of what was called "Judaization of
the press" (Presseverjudung).
Schüttler wrote: "Extraordinarily
interesting and important from the point of view of timing is the Almanac
released last year by the Kiepenheuer publishing house, which had the
characteristic name of Europe and
which was published by the two race companions Carl Einstein and Paul Westheim.
Over 75 percent of the original contribution is written by foreigners [...] and among the remaining 25 percent, there is
no German but only Jews."[27] What for the anti-Semitic nationalist
Otto Schüttler was an intolerable insult to the German people, revealed instead
Westheim’s ability to frame German art in a European framework.
The
first attempt of a Franco-German reconciliation in art
If Europe’s political unification goal was far, Westheim had nevertheless very clear ideas on the need for reconciliation between the aesthetic worlds of France and Germany, after the break that occurred with the 1871 Franco-Prussian War. To this he devoted the essay "Deutsche und französische Kunstanschauung" (The conception of art in Germany and France), published in the collection of articles Für und Wider (Pros and Cons) in 1923 [28].
If Europe’s political unification goal was far, Westheim had nevertheless very clear ideas on the need for reconciliation between the aesthetic worlds of France and Germany, after the break that occurred with the 1871 Franco-Prussian War. To this he devoted the essay "Deutsche und französische Kunstanschauung" (The conception of art in Germany and France), published in the collection of articles Für und Wider (Pros and Cons) in 1923 [28].
"Natural
sciences know the concept of endosmosis: two cells are side by side, are each
separated from the other, and the content of one is transmitted to the other.
Until the beginning of the conflict - writes Westheim - the German and French
art were marked by a constant endosmosis. A movement on the one hand
corresponded to a movement on the other one" [29]. Westheim explained
it in his aforementioned essay on "Classicism in France", in which he
quoted the correlation between the "mathematical
spirit" that run through the French art, from Poussin’s time, and
Goethe’s aesthetic theories, and in particular his style definition, as opposed
to the simply imitation of nature and to the maniera [30].
If the endosmosis was thus fuelled by large
European spirits, "the war also
marked a break of this natural process of exchange. The consequence is that the
way of considering art took different paths in Germany and in France" [31].
"The specificity of this situation
is seen in the fact that, on the one and on the other sides, different forms of
artistic will (Kunstwollen) [translator's note: the Kunstwollen is an "artistic category" invented by Alois Riegl of the School of Vienna in
1901, and clearly inspired by Nietzsche] began
to develop; they were characterized by a different attitude (Einstellung) for both the creation as well as the creator" [32].
Westheim recognized that, as part of the culture of both countries, there had been
the most diverse developments, and that generalizations were arbitrary: "Is the French artist only Delacroix or
Ingres or Courbet or Cezanne? The art character of a people is in both extreme
swings of a pendulum. The German is in Bach and certainly also in Wagner." [33]
Yet, when the two nations went to war and a rivalry was formed between the two
cultures, the result was a diversification between two basic guidelines:
rationalism in France, romanticism in Germany. Rationalism led - to the extreme
- to cubism, romanticism instead to expressionism. Vis-à-vis both cubism and expressionism
Westheim had reasons of suspicion.
"The
risk of this new art in Germany is called formlessness (Formlosigkeit), the
risk of the last evolution of art in France is formalism." [34] In
Germany dominated the irrational desire of artists to anchor themselves in
ancestral and primitive feelings, getting rid of the critical and reflective
control functions of intellect. One believed in a mystical and original force,
which had an echo for the performer in the "inner sound" (innerer
Klang); it followed that the creation was always individual and autonomous,
that it was the result of will more than technical ability, and that the
artist's task was to make use of that will to interpret and represent the
visible world. The individuality of art prevented creating real art schools;
expressionism also lacked the ability to define itself in a unified manner. In
France, instead, artists were given the task to "look for elements within themselves that could be shared by more
individuals and to generalize their own know-how, creating schools that would
be of reference to generations. From genius one had to derive order, from inner
necessity a general rule."[35] The artists’ task was to "convert their dreams into reality,
transforming what is romantic into what is material, (...) translating the
utopia into reality" [36]. The catchwords of the French artistic
spirit are therefore: "order,
discipline, objectivity, clarity, simplicity, logic". [37]
"It is
the teaching of Cezanne's 'sphere, cone and cylinder'. The work of art is an
organism, a spiritual body, a unity, in which there can be no randomness and
arbitrariness. (...) It is the 'constructive' of which one always talks." [38].
Westheim hoped to return to the original
state of endosmosis between the two worlds: the individual and the school, soul and
craft.
Of France he admired the peintres philosophes, philosophizing painters,
since the time of Poussin, for their ability to develop theories that offered a
rational reading of art; of Germany he valued the idealistic souls, driven by
ethical spirit and passion, of artists who pursued painting as a spiritual mission, like Caspar David Friedrich. And his essay on German and French art finished
with the words of Wilhelm Heinrich Wackenroder (1773-1798) and Ludwig Tieck
(1773-1853), the very first German romantics, in their collection of aesthetic
essays Herzensergießungen eines
kunstliebenden Klosterbruders (The
heart outbursts of an art loving monk). In a page where they sing the
praises of Albrecht Dürer as a spirit that was able to combine the art of
northern and southern Europe, they wrote: "Rome and Germany are not part of the same earth? Has the eternal father
not tracked roads from north to south, as well as from west to east in our
planet? The life of a man is perhaps too short? The Alps cannot be possibly
climbed? Well, for all these reasons it should be then possible that more than one love lives
in the chest of a man."[39]
This is perhaps the key to read the Confessions: it collected the words of
German and French artists, of the heirs of romanticism and rationalism, of philosophizing
and spiritual painters, in order to show the underlying unity of art. To contemporary
art Westheim assigned therefore the task to reconstruct that unity of Europe
that nationalism had broken. And not surprisingly, the essay included
illustrations of works where he could capture reciprocal references (think of
Max Pechstein’s painting Im Frauenhaus,
now lost, where it was evident the influence of Gauguin).
It may seem an obvious scheme, based on a
rigid reading (rationalist France, romantic Germany), but one cannot forget
that at that time other and quite opposite stereotypes prevailed in Germany: they
recognised to French art the supremacy in the use of technical tools, but
assigned to German art the superiority in spiritual content. As Norbert Elias
taught us, German nationalism was living of the idea that the German culture was superior to French civilization. Therefore, compared to
Westheim, the terms were reversed: the Germans were philosophers, while the
French were suffering the sin of irrationalism, or at most they were able only
to pursue a purely decorative art. Paul Adolf Seehaus (1891-1919) also wrote it
in 1916, then in the middle of World War II, in a passage cited in his Confessions: "We have the technical means of France, but the German element will be
the new content." [40] He will die young in 1919 for a fulminant
pneumonia.
End of Part One
Go to Part Two
NOTES
[1] Westheim, Paul - Künstlerbekenntnisse: Briefe, Tagebücher, Betrachtungen heutiger Künstler, Berlin, Propyläen, 1923, pp. 359, with 32 tables and 16 drawings in the text.
NOTES
[1] Westheim, Paul - Künstlerbekenntnisse: Briefe, Tagebücher, Betrachtungen heutiger Künstler, Berlin, Propyläen, 1923, pp. 359, with 32 tables and 16 drawings in the text.
[2] For a concise information on Paul Westheim see:
[3] An attachment at page 263 indeed explains that only 18 texts had already been published by other German publishers, which Westheim thanked for the authorisation to reproduce the passages. Internal evidence in the volume also reveals that some of the texts had already been commissioned by Westheim to painters, sculptors and architects for publication in his magazine Kunstblatt. For example, the text by Hans Fehr "From the life and the workshop of Emil Nolde" which presented a few letters by Emil Nolde between 1905 and 1910 (see p. 233), had already been published in Kunstblatt in 1919. Even a letter of the then octogenarian Hans Thoma, dated June 23, 1921 (see p. 21) contained a reference to Westheim’s request to produce a text for the journal.
[4] Windhöfel, Lutz – Paul Westheim und Das Kunstblatt, Cologne, Weimar Vienna, 1995, 408 pages plus 10 pages illustrations. The index is available at: http://d-nb.info/945368488/04
[5] Windhöfel quotes in particular Westheim’s exchange of letters with some painters and architects included in the anthology (Ernesto de Fiori, Friedrich Ahlers-Hestermann, Bruno Taut).
[6] Westheim, Paul - Künstlerbekenntnisse… (quoted), p. 322.
[7] The text of the manifesto "An alle Künstler, Dichter, Musik" is published at
[8] Windhöfel, Lutz – Paul Westheim und Das Kunstblatt… (quoted), p. 184
[9] Westheim, Paul - Künstlerbekenntnisse… (quoted), p. 255.
[10] Fechner, Hanns - Bekenntnisse deutscher Künstler. With contributions of Waldemar Bonsels, Ernst Berger, Julius Exter and others, Leipzig, Vieweg, 1920, p. 96. The index is visible on the internet. See:http://d-nb.info/57221698X/04
[11] Westheim, Paul – Die Welt als Vorstellung. Ein Weg zur Kunstanschauung, Potsdam, Kiepenhauer Verlag, 1918. Quotation at page 7. See: http://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/000209399 (access only in the US).
[12] Künstleriches Denken, in Westheim, Paul – Die Welt als Vorstellung (quoted), pages 9-27.
[13] Westheim, Paul - Klassizismus in Frankreich, Berlin, Verlag Ernst Wasmuth, 1923 See: http://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/001668495 (access only in the US).
[14] Künstlerbriefe über Kunst. Bekenntnisse von Malern, Architekten und Bildhauern aus fünf Jahrhunderten, (Letters of artists. Confessions of painters, sculptors and architects from five centuries), edited by Hermann Uhde-Bernays, Jess Verlag, Dresden, 1926. The second edition of 1958 is extended by the author, that concluded it with a letter from Kandinsky to Westheim.
[15] Andreas Zeising, Vom Künstlerbekenntnis zum Künstlerinterview. Spurensuche im frühen Rundfunk (From the artist confession to the artist interview. Looking for sources in the first radio archives), in Kunsttexte, 2012. See: http://edoc.hu-berlin.de/kunsttexte/2012-2/-zeising-andreas-9/PDF/-zeising.pdf
[16] Feuerbach, Anselm - Briefe an seine Mutter (Letters to his mother), edited by G.J. Kern and Hermann Uhde-Bernays, Berlin, Meyer and Jessen Verlag, 1911.
[17] Feuerbach, Anselm - Briefe und Bekenntnisse (Letters and confessions), Buchhandlung des Stenographenverbandes Stolze-Schrey, 1913, 16 pages
[18] Friedrich, Caspar David – Bekenntnisse (Confessions), edited by Kurt Karl Eberlein, Leipzig, Klinkhardt and Biermann, 1924, 364 pages and 38 illustrations.
[19] Fischer, Otto (edited by): Hans Thoma. Bilder und Bekenntnisse (Hans Thoma. Paintings and confessions), Stuttgart, Verlag von Strecker und Schröder, 1925, 58 pages and 36 illustrations.
[20] The already vast panorama of art history sources published in those years in Germany, and quoted by Zeising, would not be complete if we did not at least also refer to the Artists’ letters (Künstler-Briefe) of Ernst Guhl, which inaugurated the genre in 1853. In 1914, Else Cassirer edited the Künstlerbriefe aus dem 19. Jahrhundert (Letters of 19th century artist). They were followed by the Letters (Briefe) of Hans von Marées, published by the publisher Piper in 1920 and the Selection of Letters and Poems by Philipp Otto Runge, a painter in Hamburg (Eine Auswahl Brief und Gedichte von Philipp Otto Runge, Eine Auswahl Brief und Gedichte von Philipp Otto Runge), published by Neuland in Hamburg in 1922. In 1925 Uhde-Bernays published, in two volumes, the Minor writings on art history of the antiquity (Kleine Schriften zur Geschichte der Kunst des Altertums) and the Selected letters (Ausgewählte Briefe) by Johann Joachim Winckelmann. In those years were also released a few new editions, annotated and not, of the Letters (Briefe) by Albrecht Dürer, which had been already available from 1871, edited by Moritz Thausing.
[21] Westheim, Paul - Künstlerbekenntnisse, … (quoted), p. 7.
[22] Westheim, Paul - Künstlerbekenntnisse, … (quoted), p. 8.
[23] Modern Artists on Art, Edited by Robert L. Herbert, Second Enlarged Edition, New York, Dover, 2000. See p. 93.
[24] Windhöfel, Lutz – Paul Westheim und Das Kunstblatt, (quoted), p. 163
[25] Europa-Almanach: Malerei, Literatur, Musik, Architektur, Plastik, Bühne, Film, Mode, außerdem nicht unwichtige Nebenbemerkungen, edited by Carl Einstein and Paul Westheim, Gustav Kiepenhauer Verlag, Postdam 1925 and Leipzig 1993, 317 pages.
[26] The Bartels League was founded by the writer and poet Adolf Bartels (1862-1945), who called himself 'militant anti-Semite'. Seemingly, Otto Schuettler did not play a special role in German culture and in politics of those years and in the following years.
[27] Quotation from: Rechts und links der Seine: Pariser Tageblatt und Pariser Tageszeitung 1933-1940, edited by Hélène Roussel,Lutz Winckler, Tübingen, Niemeyer Verlag, 2002 (quotation at page 131).
[28] Westheim, Paul – Für und Wider – Kritische Anmerkungen zur Kunst der Gegenwart (Pros and cons - Critical Essays in contemporary art), Potsdam, Kiepenhauer Verlag, p. 194. The article is published on pages 35-47.
[29] Westheim, Paul – Für und Wider – Kritische Anmerkungen zur Kunst der Gegenwart… (quoted), p. 36.
[30] Westheim, Paul - Klassizismus in Frankreich, (quoted), p. 9
[31] Westheim, Paul – Für und Wider – Kritische Anmerkungen zur Kunst der Gegenwart… (quoted), p. 36.
[32] Westheim, Paul – Für und Wider – Kritische Anmerkungen zur Kunst der Gegenwart… (quoted), p. 36.
[33] Westheim, Paul – Für und Wider – Kritische Anmerkungen zur Kunst der Gegenwart … (quoted), p. 35-36.
[34] Westheim, Paul – Für und Wider – Kritische Anmerkungen zur Kunst der Gegenwart… (quoted), p. 41.
[35] Westheim, Paul – Für und Wider – Kritische Anmerkungen zur Kunst der Gegenwart… (quoted), p. 41.
[36] Westheim, Paul – Für und Wider – Kritische Anmerkungen zur Kunst der Gegenwart… (quoted), p. 42
[37] Westheim, Paul – Für und Wider – Kritische Anmerkungen zur Kunst der Gegenwart… (quoted), p. 43
[38] Westheim, Paul – Für und Wider – Kritische Anmerkungen zur Kunst der Gegenwart… (quoted), p. 43
[39] Wackenroder, Wilhelm Heinrich and Tieck, Ludwig - Herzensergießungen eines kunstliebenden Klosterbruders, Berlin, Holzinger, 2010
[40] Westheim, Paul - Künstlerbekenntnisse,… (quoted), p. 168.

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