CLICK HERE FOR ITALIAN VERSION
Le guide di città tra il XV e il XVIII secolo:
arte, letteratura, topografia.
Edited by Eliana Carrara and Monica Visioli
Alessandria, Edizioni dell’Orso, 2020
Review by Giovanni Mazzaferro
This volume, edited by Eliana Carrara and Monica
Visioli, contains the contributions presented at the conference of the same name held in Pavia
between 5 and 6 December 2018. Here is the summary:
- Nicoletta Maraschio, Introduzione [Introduction];
- Eliana Carrara, Guide di Genova e della Liguria da Leandro Alberti fino all’epoca del Grand Tour [Guides of Genoa and Liguria from Leandro Alberti up to the time of the Grand Tour];
- Cristina Panzera, Venezia «teatro del mondo» nelle descrizioni di Francesco Sansovino [Venice «theatre of the world» in Francesco Sansovino's descriptions];
- Jan Simane, Firenze città nobilissima. Topografia e rappresentazione [Florence the noblest city. Topography and representation];
- Maria Pia Sacchi, Raffaele Toscano e la descrizione in versi di città lombarde alla fine del Cinquecento [Raffaele Toscano and the description in verse of Lombard cities at the end of the Sixteenth century];
- Enrico Parlato, La sacra erudizione di Pompeo Ugonio nella Historia delle Stationi [Pompeo Ugonio's sacred erudition in the Historia delle Stationi];
- Giovanna Perini Folesani. Odeporica felsinea: dal modello malvasiano al suo superamento [Bolognese guide literature: from Malvasia's model to its overcoming];
- Monica Visioli, Per le vie di Milano nel Seicento: la prima edizione del Ritratto di Carlo Torre (1674) [Through the streets of Milan in XVII Century: the first edition of the Portrait by Carlo Torre (1674)];
- Roberto Parisi, Pozzuoli e il viaggio nell’antico. Guidistica e iconografia della città in una «regione abbruciata» [Pozzuoli and the journey into the Ancient. Guides and iconograpghy of the city in a «scoarched region»].
The theme
of the guides is, of course, vast. It involves aspects related to chorography,
topography, encomiastic literature, the self-representation of a society, more
strictly artistic interests, the choice between Latin or vernacular and much more.
In their diversity, the contributions present in the volume have documented the
variety of a very complex and highly-diversified phenomenon over the course of
three centuries, starting from humanistic assumptions in the Fifteenth century
to get to respond to more 'tourist' needs (but not only those), during the
eighteenth century.
Guide di Genova e della Liguria da Leandro Alberti fino all’epoca del Grand Tour
[Guides of Genoa and Liguria from Leandro Alberti up to the time of the Grand Tour]
The Genoese case opens
with Giacomo Bracelli's Descriptio orae
Ligusticae - Description of the Ligurian coast - (c. 1390-1466), printed posthumously in Paris in 1520, but
written around the mid-15th century and, above all, dedicated to the humanist
Flavio Biondo, the author of the famous Italia illustrata - Illustrated
Italy - (also written around the middle of the century and published in 1474).
This latter writing inaugurated, in many ways, the genre of the chorographic
description of the territory. The curatorship of the Descriptio orae Ligusticae was carried out by Agostino Giustiniani.
Agostino was the author of the Castigatissimi annali […] della
eccelsa e illustrissima Repubblica di Genova (Most decent annals of the sublime and illustrious Republic of Genoa),
which included a Descriptio della Lyguria
(Description of Liguria), not surprisingly dependent on that of Braccelli,
but written in vernacular and extended also within the region (1537). Of
course, these were not 'city guides' in the strict sense; in both cases the
description started from the western end of Liguria (at the time corresponding
with the mouth of the Varo and therefore including Nice) until the eastern
offshoots of the region. This type of work included the most famous of the
period, namely Leandro Alberti's Description of all Italy (1550), which indeed represented its apex and where Ligury is described at the beginning of the description.
The second part of the century saw, in addition to the repeated reprints of Albert's work, the appearance of a booklet printed by Cristoforo Zabata 1583, whose title makes us understand the chorographic context that continued to inspire texts of this type: Le bellezze di Genova, dialogo del S. Bartolomeo Paschetti, nel quale si ragiona del sito della città, degli huomini illustri antichi e moderni, & delle donne similmente, con altre cose notabili (The beauties of Genoa, a dialogue by S. Bartolomeo Paschetti discussing the site of the city, its illustrious ancient and modern men and women, with other notable things). At the same time, the topographical representations reached levels of absolute quality thanks to the Gallery of geographical maps in the Vatican where, on the basis of the reliefs of Egnazio Danti, the representation of Genoa with its port, presented from a bird's eye view, was added to the cartographic 'description' of Liguria.
 |
| Gallery of the Geographical Maps, Vatican Museums Source: Burkhard Mücke tramite https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Category:Galleria_delle_carte_geografiche?uselang=it#/media/File:Vatikanische_Museen_51.jpg |
Moving on to the Seventeenth century, the Flemish Franz Schott produced the Itinerario
overo nova descrizione de’ viaggi principali d’Italia (Itinerary or new description of the main Italian
journeys), which included a fairly detailed description of the city of Genoa.
Schott's voyage was performed on the occasion of the Holy Year of 1600 and the
work came out the same year in Latin; the Italian edition, whose title we have
reported above, was from 1615. A very distinct and much more famous work was
the Palazzi di Genova (Palaces of Genoa), published by
Rubens in Antwerp in 1622, which restored the splendour of the most beautiful
buildings in the Ligurian city. Clear references to a visit to the city were
also present, in 1674, in the Finezze de’ pennelli italiani (Fineness of Italian brushes) by Luigi Scaramuccia,
published in 1674. In short, the whole series of these varied texts would induce
in some way to revise Schlosser’s somewhat drastic judgment in his Kunstliteratur, according to which
"the superb and rich Genoa
(...), in which art was from immemorial time a luxury and an imported good, (...) possessed in ancient times only the rather late guide of his historian
Giuseppe Ratti dated 1766”(p. 552). It is certainly true that the first
guide of the city was Ratti’s Istruzione di quanto può vedersi di più bello
in Genova in pittura, scultura ed architettura (Instruction of what can be seen most beautiful in Genoa in painting,
sculpture and architecture), precisely from 1766; to it the same author added,
in 1780, the Descrizione delle pitture, scolture e architetture ecc che
trovansi in alcune città, borghi e castelli delle due Riviere dello Stato
Ligure…. (Description of the
paintings, sculptures and architectures etc. that are found in some cities,
villages and castles of the two Rivieras of the Ligurian State…. ). In addition
to what already mentioned, a previous publication deserves to be studied and
re-evaluated: the Saggi cronologici o sia Genova nelle sue
antichità ricercata (Chronological
Essays or Genoa investigated in its antiquities), reprinted several times
between the Seventeenth and Eighteenth centuries.
Cristina Panzera
[Venice «theatre of the world» in Francesco Sansovino's descriptions]
 |
| The frontispiece of Venezia città nobilissima e singolare, 1581 Source: https://archive.org/details/venetiacittanobi00sans |
I have already had the
opportunity to review Delle cose notabili che sono in Venetia (On some notable things that are in Venetia),
published in 1561 by Francesco Sansovino and re-edited in 2017 by Vaughan Hart
and Peter Hicks. Referring to the contents of that review, I would like to recall first of all that Sansovino
produced three 'descriptions' of Venice: a) Tutte le cose notabili e belle che
sono in Venezia (All the notable and
beautiful things that are in Venice), a 24-page octavo booklet dating back to
1556; b) Delle cose notabili che sono in Venetia (Of the notable things
that are in Venice), a text still in octavo that almost reached one hundred
pages; c) Venetia città nobilissima e singolare (Venice, the noblest and most singular city), published
in 1581, which constituted, compared to the others, a sort of encyclopaedic
text, divided into thirteen books. Cristina Panzera refers to this latest
version in her essay. As the author highlighted, Sansovino's work was nicely
fitting into a type of publications celebrating the Venetian society, and strongly
controlled by the institutions of the Serenissima. In all three cases they
confirmed that the 'immigrant' Sansovino (originally from Florence) was fully
inserted in the social, political and cultural circuit of the city. However, Ms
Panzera did not fail to underline some differences between the previous
versions and Venice, the most noble city.
While everywhere the Venetian political model was triumphing, as it guaranteed
serenity and social consensus through the adoption of a system embodying the
'middle ground' between monarchical form and popular government, the large
space (the last three sections of the work) dedicated in the version of 1581 to
the figure of the doge "almost
resolved the oligarchic republic into a principality, with a significant change
compared to the much more mobile society he represented twenty years earlier, allowing
himself at that time to be more attentive to the dimension of participatory
democracy" (p . 76).
One of the themes towards which Ms Panzera is more attentive is the technique used by Sansovino to compile the final version of his work, drawing on his own or others' previous writings. She highlights "the skills developed by the author in selecting, combining, reworking different sources from the scholarly and humanistic field for the purpose of scientific dissemination" (p. 70). There is no doubt, for example, that when describing Venetian institutions and their functioning, Sansovino made references to his youth studies as a jurist and, for example, to his dialogue L'avocato (The lawyer), published in 1554. More generally, it is evident that, in drafting his guides, Sansovino was influenced by the precedents of Leandro Alberti and by the one, specifically on Venice, of Marco Antonio Sabellico's De situ urbis venetae (On the Site of Venice), if only for describing the city according to the sequence of its sestieri (books I -VI in The noblest city of Venice). Logically, "Sansovino offered a much richer repertoire, showed himself more attentive to the pictorial and sculptural works and above all inserted another humanistic and antiquarian element, i.e. the reproduction of epigraphs and inscriptions" (p. 72). As far as artistic information is concerned, Sansovino's dependence on Marcantonio Michiel's Notizia d’opere di disegno has already been hypothesized. Vasari's influences are known, but Ms Panzera keenly prefers to note the lack of alignment of the Tuscan-Venetian with Vasari, for example in the judgments on Giovanni Bellini and his superiority over the brother Gentile (partially questioned by Vasari in the Giuntina edition). In this regard, the author concludes her contribution, noting that "the loyalty to Sabellico and Giovanni Bellini (the official portraitist of the Doges) can be recognized as a line of force that focuses on the values of the past to project the triumphant image of Venice in a scenario that in many respects became disturbing at the end of the Sixteenth century"(p. 82).
Jan Simane
Firenze città nobilissima. Topografia e rappresentazione
[Florence the noblest city. Topography and representation]
 |
| The frontispiece of Le bellezze della città di Fiorenza, 1591 Source: https://dlc.mpdl.mpg.de/dlc/view/escidoc:7101/recto-verso |
Jan Simane presented his contribution as a 'chronicler' of a research project involving many more
people, promoted by the Kunsthistorisches
Institut of Florence. The working group aimed at analytically studying the
guides of Florence and similar materials to try to understand which 'image' of
Florence they were conveying. For more information, you can consult the
relevant website: https://www.khi.fi.it/it/forschung/bibliothek/firenze-citta-noblissima.php. The artistic guide of early modern Florence was,
par excellence, Le Bellezze delle città di Firenze (The Beauties of the city of Florence) by Francesco
Bocchi (1591), although preceded, at the beginning of the Sixteenth century, by
the Memorial of Francesco Albertini (1510). Broadly simplifying, Bocchi's guide aims to celebrate Florence’s
society exactly like Sansovino did in Venice. They were both organised
topographically: according to the sestieri for Venice, and following six
itineraries for Florence, each described in a chapter. In reality, however, the
Florentine scholar revealed a much greater focus on art, while the attention
paid to the political and social functioning of the city was minor. I broadly
share Mr Simane's views: if it may seem that Bocchi let readers/visitors discover
the city 'accidentally', following the itineraries he proposed, in reality he chose
what and when to show them. Thereby Bocchi expressed a value judgment that, ultimately,
outlined the superiority of Florentine artistic making compared to all other Italian
cities: "without a doubt, Bocchi's
beauties are much more than a topographical orientation and a source of
information: they are a guide to correct seeing and a powerful tool for
directing the sight in Bocchi's perspective” (p. 98). In this sense, Mr Simane
points out that subsequent editions of the Guide somewhat twisted its meaning.
In the case of the Bocchi-Cinelli edition of 1677, for example, the
extraordinary expansion of the contents should not be taken into consideration,
which transformed the work from a concise guide to a real reference work; more
important (and mature) is the denial of any unconditional superiority of the
works of Florentine artists over those of the 'foreigners', previously taken
for granted and at the basis of the city's 'nobility'. The guide of Del
Migliore (1684), on the other hand, preferred to recover the nobility of the
city not in its modern age, but in its medieval past: "the greatness and magnificence of Florence
would therefore not be based on hard work and acquired talent - or on virtue,
as Bocchi thought - of its inhabitants, but only on an idealized past of
nobility and purity of blood, in which that Florentine nature could be formed,
closed to any external influence, which had found its most peculiar expression
in the Middle Ages of imprint aristocratic" (p. 103).
Raffaele Toscano e la descrizione in versi di città lombarde alla fine del Cinquecento
[Raffaele Toscano and the description in verse of Lombard cities at the end of the Sixteenth century]
About
Raffaele Toscano we do not know much, even not the dates of birth and death. A
poet of low rang, probably a frequent visitor to the courts of northern Italy,
is here considered for two of his works: L’edificazione di Mantova, e
l’origine dell’antichissima famiglia de’ principi Gonzaghi (The building of Mantua, and the
origin of the ancient family of the Gonzaga princes) (1586) and L’origine
di Milano, et di sei altre città di quello stato (The origin of Milan, and of six other cities of
that state) (1587). Both works enjoyed some success and, at least in one case
(the origin of Milan) a plagiarism of 1588 by Giulio Cesare de Solis is also
known. Dictated by a clear praiseworthy intention of the lords of the cities,
the rhymes of Toscano still had the merit of describing the artistic and urban
landscape beauties, albeit in a discontinuous way. The weight of the artistic
description in the case of Mantua, for example, was substantial: "His choices and some of his clarifications
show us a certain competence and a significant artistic education" (p.
118). In the case of Milan, however, the artistic notations were reduced to a
minimum, for reasons that we are not able to understand well. In the same way,
among the other cities object of the second poem, we must remember, for the
purposes of art literature, what is written describing Pavia and Cremona.
La sacra erudizione di Pompeo Ugonio nella Historia delle Stationi
Pompeo Ugonio's sacred erudition in the Historia delle Stationi
Odeporica felsinea: dal modello malvasiano al suo superamento
[Bolognese guide literature: from Malvasia's model to its overcoming]
 |
| Frontispiece of Le pitture di Bologna (1686) Source: https://www.maremagnum.com/libri-antichi/le-pitture-di-bologna-che-nella-pretesa-e-rimostrata-fin-ora/152012356 |
In 1686
Carlo Cesare Malvasia published The Paintings of Bologna (1686), the second great effort of
the Bolognese historian in the artistic field after the Felsina pittrice and, above all, the first artistic
guide of the city. The highly complex baroque-styled title of the work was Le
pitture di Bologna. Che nella pretesa e rimostrata sin hora da altri maggiore
antichità, & impareggiabile eccellenza nella pittura, con manifesta
evidenza di fatto, rendono il passeggiere disingannato ed instrutto (The Paintings of Bologna, which make
the passenger aware and attentive, showing the claims of greater antiquity and
unparalleled excellence in painting with a manifest evidence of fact). The long
heading clarified the reasons behind the work: to counter Baldinucci who, in
1681, in the first tome of his Notizie dei professori del disegno (Notes on Teachers of Drawings),
had written La ristaurazione dell’arte del disegno da chi promossa.
Apologia a pro delle glorie della Toscana per l’assertiva di Giorgio Vasari
Aretino, ed onore di Cimabue e Giotto Fiorentini (The restoration of art of design: Apology in
favour of the glories of Tuscany for the assertiveness of Giorgio Vasari
from Arezzo, and honour of the Florentine Cimabue and Giotto), in turn a response
to Malvasia who in the Felsina had
contested the historical model proposed by Vasari in the Lives on the 'death' and 'rebirth' of art in the dark ages and, of course, on the
exclusive merit of Tuscan painting in this rebirth. The great strength of the
Bolognese guide is that the umpteenth episode of this controversy was not based
on abstract historical judgments, but on the eye inspection, or rather on the
inventory, one by one, of the works of art exhibited to the public in Bologna.
It was for this reason that, in essence, the structure of the Malvasian guide held
throughout the Eighteenth century and the clear polemical intent of Malvasia
went almost unnoticed, especially if one thinks of the parallel damnatio memoriae to which the Felsina Pittrice was condemned. The
guide of the Bolognese historian was reprinted, each time being enlarged and
updated, in 1706 and 1732, by Giovampietro Cavazzoni Zanotti; in 1755, at the
hands of the publisher Longhi and with the contribution of the now elderly
Zanotti; in 1766 edited by Carlo Bianconi (by far the sloppiest edition, with
thirty-three pages of errata); the next edition came out ten years later, again
by Bianconi with the help of Marcello Oretti; for the editions of 1782 and 1792
the names of the editors were much more uncertain; according to Emiliani, the 1782
version was the work of Carlo Bianconi (who in the meantime had moved to Milan)
and his nephew Girolamo (who was ten years old); Ms Perini Folesani, on the
other hand, sees that the highly probable direct or indirect involvement
(through his consultant Jacopo Alessandro Calvi) of Filippo Hercolani.
In this
succession of editions that unfolded over the course of the Eighteenth century
there was only one, true, element that imposed itself to the attention of the
reader as distinctive, sanctioning the overcoming of the Malvasian model
starting from Petronio Bassani's edition of 1816. Malvasia did not take into
consideration the private artistic heritage. What with modern eyes may be
considered a deficiency was, however, a perfectly logical choice of a noble who
moved with discretion between owners belonging to his own class. It is hardly
evident that, in most cases, Malvasia knew that heritage well, and, indeed,
often mentioned it within the Felsina. But “well
aware from experience of the transience of private even noble collections, in
spite of the legal instruments of protection such as the fidecommesso, he had
been careful not to do little more than a generic indicative reference to
individual artistic collections (…). Not
specifying, as a rule, not even a single masterpiece present in a noble palace
(unless it was a fresco) responded to the need for discretion aimed at
protecting not only and not so much the works, especially if mobile, but above
all the dignity of families owners, in case they were forced by circumstances
to sell something, especially among what was of greater value” (p. 157).
Until the mid-Eighteenth century, Malvasia’s choice was respected by the
curators; starting from 1766, with the edition curated by Carlo Bianconi,
things began to change: references to private assets multiplied and, indeed,
became a way to emphasize the wealth of patrician families. Ms Perini Folesani documents this evolution with reference to what has been written about the possessions of
three particular families (Sampieri, Caprara and Hercolani) in the last guides
of the century. In particular, the information gap relating to the Hercolani
collection starting from 1782, with the inclusion of paintings not even
mentioned by Calvi (consultant of the Bolognese prince) in his Versi
e prose sopra una serie di eccellenti pitture posseduta dal signor marchese
Filippo Hercolani principe del S.R.I. (Verses and prose on a series of excellent paintings owned by the
marquis Filippo Hercolani prince of the Holy Roman Empire) (1780), led the
author to believe, as mentioned above, that Hercolani himself and / or Calvi
were directly involved in the last two eighteenth-century editions of the
guide, increasingly a 'Bolognese' and less and less 'Malvasian' product.
Per le vie di Milano nel Seicento: la prima edizione del Ritratto di Carlo Torre (1674)
[Through the streets of Milan in XVII Century: the first edition of the Portrait by Carlo Torre (1674)]
 |
| Source: https://www.maremagnum.com/libri-antichi/il-ritratto-di-milano-diviso-in-tre-libri-colorito-da-carlo/132045173 |
The first
edition of Carlo Torre's Ritratto di
Milano (Portrait of Milan) (c.1610-1679) came out in 1674 (a second,
posthumous, dated back to 1714). The title of the work already says a lot about
it. What Torre offered us was the vision of a city always played on the
comparison between painting and literature. After all, Torre, after theological
and juridical studies, was a poet and theatre man and, with the Portrait, he aligned himself with a
Baroque tradition of narration of the city, which was typical of those years.
The work was structured in three books and illustrated with a series of
engravings by the publisher, Federico Agnelli, (probably the engravings must
have been more than the eight actually attached to the text), confirming that
Torre's intended to compile a 'portrait' of Milan. It should also be borne in
mind that the 'painting' of the city that the author wanted to create was
anamorphic, aiming at illustrating the ancient and modern side of the city,
depending on the angle from which one can read it.
Of course,
even Torre’s writing aimed at enhancing the beauties of the city, and, more
generally, at reclaiming its history and importance. In the specific case, this
representation resulted in proposing Milan as a second Rome. Indeed, the
foreigners to whom, with a colloquial tone, the author addressed from almost
the beginning were Romans and the itinerary of the visit of Milan (organized in
six days, starting each time from the entrance doors of the city and approaching
the centre, finally culminating with the cathedral) started right from Porta
Romana, which was the way into the city for those coming from Rome. Torre described
mainly churches and institutional buildings, while he had little interest in
private buildings. The 'modern' Milan described by Torre was the one that took
shape in the Borromean age (first Charles and then Federic). The celebration of
the Ambrosian church proved to be a strong point in the comparison between Rome
and Milan; we cannot forget, for example, that in 1575, Pope Gregory XIII
granted Charles Borromeo to celebrate the jubilee also in Milan, establishing a
devotional path of seven Milanese churches that would have led to the plenary
indulgence exactly as if the faithful had found themselves in Rome (p. 181).
The Portrait - writes Visioli -
"celebrated the renewal of churches,
convents and pious places promoted by Charles and then above all by Frederick
Borromeo, for which the author expresses unconditional admiration. (...) Of particular interest are Torre's
observations about the attention and sensitivity shown by Cardinal Frederick
towards the ancient factories, of which he promotes the restoration, without distorting their ancient configuration and
decoration" (p. 188). It is not surprising, therefore, that, in the
pictorial field, Torre paid particular attention to Cerano, Morazzone and
Giulio Cesare Procaccini, i.e. Frederick Borromeo's favourite painters, and
that starting from the description of the Baptism of Sant'Agostino del Cerano
in the church of San Marco the author went so far as to affirm that "« the Lombard Pictorial Academy had its Michelangelo,
Raphael, Paolo Veronese, Titian, Giorgione, Tintoretto, and can be happy to
be equal to all those which are glorious, in Italy and outside of it»" (p. 194). All in the context
of a historical vision that distinguishes between an era in which art was lost,
a second with good but dry artists (such as Bramante, Bramantino, Civerchio,
Bevilacqua , Butinone and Zenale) and a third that corresponded to the modern
way with Gaudenzio, Luini, Lomazzo, Pellegrino Pellegrini etc…. A separate
discussion applies to the followers of Leonardo, and in particular Cesare da
Sesto, for whom Torre always showed to have interest.
Torre was
less convincing, in his project of anamorphic portrait of the city, in the
enhancement of ancient Milan. Here the author demonstrated, rather than
antiquarian interests, the substantial dependence on ancient sources (with
greater or lesser scepticism in appropriating them) without substantial
confirmation on the evidence that had come down to his time.
Pozzuoli e il viaggio nell’antico. Guidistica e iconografia della città in una «regione abbruciata»
[Pozzuoli and the journey into the Ancient. Guides and iconograpghy of the city in a «scoarched region»]
In the
tradition of city guides, Pozzuoli is undoubtedly a special case. First of all,
to use the expression 'city guide' is probably limiting for a rich series of
texts that, since the 16th century, had as their object not so much and not
only the urban centre, but more generally the Campi Flegrei, known for their
antiquities on the one hand and for the volcanic phenomena on the other.
Pozzuoli, in essence, constituted the historical premise of the enormous
historical-archaeological interest that, during the eighteenth century,
concentrated from all over Europe on the excavations of Pompeii and Herculaneum.
It is no coincidence that those who have examined the literature dedicated to
it have always put in evidence a substantial decrease of attention in
correspondence with the discovery of the two cities buried by the eruption of
Vesuvius.
 |
| An image from Francisco Villamena, Ager puteolanus, sive, Prospectus eiusdem insigniores (1620) Source: https://archive.org/stream/agerputeolanussi00vill/agerputeolanussi00vill#page/n86/mode/1up tramite Wikimedia commons |
In my
opinion, Roberto Parisi has identified highly interesting aspects: alongside
the 'city guides', for example, an iconographic tradition developed very early in
Pozzuoli. It consisted of "sets of
monographic print engravings, almost devoid of a literary text and articulated
in such a way as to describe the city of Pozzuoli, its landscape and its main
monumental emergencies exclusively through plans, views and topographical maps" (p. 215). Exactly the examination of these figurative collections over
the centuries allows "to measure the
gradual transition from a phase in which the figurative text is characterized
by a weighted mix of topographic survey techniques and pictorial representation
techniques to a season marked by a a sort of divorce between scientific
topography and perspective view (…), destined to become an autonomous artistic product, sensitive to
the romantic taste for ruinism”(p. 215).
Nessun commento:
Posta un commento