German Artists' Writings in the XX Century - 16
[Letters of an artist: 1926-1957]
Künstlerbriefe aus den Jahren 1926 bis 1957
Prefaced and edited by Bernhard Wächter
Rudolstadt, VEB Greifenverlag, 1966
 |
| Fig. 1) The cover of the 1966 edition of Hans Grundig's correspondence |
That of Hans
Grundig (1901-1958) was the profile of a painter who also acted as convinced
Communist militant and played a leading role in his Dresden (and more generally
in Germany) in the first half of the twentieth century. His Künstlerbriefe [1] (Letters of an artist) were almost exclusively addressed to the
beloved wife Lea Langer (1906-1977), also an artist. The collection was
published posthumously, and prefaced and edited by Bernhard Wächter
(1924-2009), art critic and professor of art history at the University of Jena.
In many respects, Künstlerbriefe was
the story of a sentimental and political partnership (Lea too was a communist),
which began at the Dresden Academy in 1926, where the two knew each other as
students (he as a painter and draftsman, and she as a graphic) and resisted every
obstacle: first the total opposition of her relatives, then the even more
serious enmity of the Nazi regime.
Hans and Lea got
married in 1928. Since 1926, they had been activists of the German Communist
Party (KPD), animating, during the Republic of Weimar, the initiatives of the
ASSO (Association of revolutionary artists of fine arts). Starting from 1933,
both suffered the Nazi repression, as they were included in the category of
degenerate art, and were forbidden to practice their profession (even
privately). Both violated this ban, were discovered by the Gestapo and for this
were condemned (he was interned in the concentration camp of Sachsenhausen,
then sentenced to fight on the Eastern front in a punitive battalion of the Wehrmacht, from which he deserted,
ending the war as a soldier of the Red Army; she, as a Jew, was all in all
really lucky, as she was expelled by the Nazi from Germany before the start of
the extermination policy and emigrated to Palestine, where she remained for a
few years). They met again in 1949 in their Dresden (at the time part of the GDR),
completely devastated by the bombing of February 1945, and committed themselves
with great passion to the reconstruction of the town, with great trust in the
new socialist state. Hans became rector of the Dresden Academy of Fine Arts (we
have already met him in our review of Otto Dix's correspondence (Part Four) and Lea was the
first woman to take on a teaching assignment there.
The three parts
in which the correspondence of Grundig was divided are entitled "A stormy youth - letters from 1926 to 1936",
"Prisoner - Letters from 1938 to
1944" and "Freed - Letters
from 1946 to 1957" respectively. That said, within each of these
sections we can identify much shorter chronological periods during which the
correspondence with the wife was particularly intense. These were time spans in
which the two were distant and exchanged letters very intensely to keep in
touch.
The first period
was from August 1926 to March 1927: the two loved each other, but Lea’s family
(of strict Jewish orthodox observance) was hopelessly opposed to their
relationship (Hans was not Jewish and atheist). For this reason, Lea was sent
for a semester of studies in Heidelberg (and even submitted to a psychiatric
cure, hoping that she would change her mind). The second period went from 7
June 1938 to 8 May 1939: after having been detected because of the violation of
the state ban to create works of art, they were imprisoned and were writing
from their respective places of detention. Finally, the third period began at
the end of March 1946 (when Hans had just returned to Dresden, but his wife was
still exiled in Palestine) and ended in October 1949, when she also managed to
return to her hometown.
In the book, to
the letters were attached some manuscript texts of the years 1946-1947 (notes
for speeches held to celebrate the reopening of the Academy of Fine Arts in
Dresden in the Soviet control area) and pictures of the etching series Tiere und Menschen (Animals and Men),
made between 1933 and 1938 (really beautiful works, in which Hans testified his
opposition to Nazism by drawing a humanity that was partly represented in
animal form, and where the forces of good and evil collided).
More famous than
the letters were the artist's memoirs [2] (titled Zwischen
Karneval und Aschermittwoch, Erinnerungen eines Malers - or "Between Carnival and Ash Wednesday: Memories
of a Painter"), which were brought out in 1957 in East Berlin by the
publishing house Karl Dietz and were republished fourteen times (the latest in
1986). The publishing house was the same which hosted the official publication
in the communist Germany of the complete works of Karl Marx and Rosa
Luxembourg. The memoirs were also translated into Russian [3] and Polish [4] in
the 1960s (while the letters appeared in the German version only). In short,
Grundig's memoirs were considered in the GDR as one of the founding texts of
the Eastern German communist aesthetics, and even became iconic part of the
common identity of the Warsaw Pact countries.
 |
| Fig. 2) The most recent edition of the memoirs, published in 1986 |
The ideological undertone
of Grundig's writings probably explains why both the memoirs and the letters were
totally ignored in the Federal Republic of Germany (i.e. in West Germany) and
have fallen into utter oblivion with the reunification and the end of Communist
Germany (in fact, the last edition of the memoirs - as mentioned - was from
1986, three years before the fall of the Wall). However, I would suggest
evaluating the missives in other respects too, including on the one hand their
literary quality and on the other one the testimony of the life of a stubborn couple
of artists, loving each other in a stormy period of German history.
Doubts, uncertainties, questions
The true problem
with the Letters is to understand whether
they were reliable or returned a partial image only of the artist. We have
already met many occasions in which, through post-war editions of their memoirs,
German artists intentionally altered their image in order not to completely
reckon with the past. Consider the diverse cases of Emil Nolde, Paul Klee, Otto Dix and George Grosz.
With reference to Grundig, it must immediately be said that the preface by Bernhard Wächter framed the correspondence in the context of a strongly partisan reading of German art. Grundig’s production was in fact interpreted by the scholar as a paradigm of the aesthetic rejection of previous styles, both of the academic one still influenced by the Wilhelminian schemes, as well as of impressionist, expressionist and avant-garde painting, i.e. the most open part of German art in the early twentieth century. Not by chance, this type of attitude coincided with the systematic rejection of most previous and contemporary art streams, typical of aesthetics from the German Democratic Republic. To remain in Dresden, this rejection included the Bridge group (founded by young expressionist painters in the capital of Saxony in 1905), and also artists who clearly spent themselves for the communist cause between the two wars (such as Max Pechstein).
Wächter explicitly praised, for example, Grundig's ability to ignore the attempt of his masters at the Dresden Academy of Fine Arts (such as Otto Gussmann (1869 -1926) and Otto Hettner (1875-1931)) to establish a bridge between classical-secessionist art and expressionism [5]. Yet Gussmann and Hettner in 1919, at the fall of the Wilhelminian empire, had been ready to participate in the Council of artists inspired by the Soviet model.
Wächter also
welcomed the rejection by the young Grundig of the influence of Oskar Kokoschka
(1886-1980), while was pleased to draw attention to his sympathy for Otto Dix
(1891-1969), Conrad Felixmüller (1897-1977) and the New Objectivity movement as
a whole. Specifically about the painters of this stream, the prefacer recognised
their interest in social criticism, but he still considered them "cold and bourgeois” [6]. In addition to
looking for influences among contemporaries, the art critic also referred to an
ancient vein of German art, which started from the rediscovery of Gothic,
Grünewald and Bosch, without forgetting the Italian fourteenth century [7].
Finally, he added that the love for past art linked Grundig to many German
artists of the 1920s.
In other words,
Wächter's presentation made Grundig one of the icons of a painting that knew
how to absorb all the achievements of contemporary art from a technical point
of view, but (to use an expression that was true for the Parisian art of those
years) also marked an ideologically flawless 'return to order' from a point of
view of official aesthetics. Wächter wrote: "The deformations of the human face receded, the expressive use of
colour calmed down, the space also got decided realistic features in addition
to its symbolic character, people were not only designed, but also started to
act” [8].
That said, it is
legitimate to ask whether the selection and interpretation of Grundig's letters
by Bernhard Wächter were dictated by political reasons or by philological
interests. What was, moreover, the weight of the widow, who at the time of the publication
was still alive and evidently still in possession of the correspondence? Were
there any other letters that have not been included (or have been modified) and
would have perhaps allowed alternative readings or otherwise more nuanced
interpretations? In this regard, further research in public and private
archives (provided that the destruction of war, political events and neglect
still allow it) would be highly welcome. While following the outline of the volume
curated by Wächter, we feel necessary therefore to adhere to the principle of
caution.
A stormy youth - letters from 1926 to 1936
The
correspondence opened in August 1926 with letters in desperate tones. The
twenty-five Hans (just out of the Academy of Fine Arts in Dresden) wanted to
marry the twenty-year-old Lea, still a student, but her Jewish-Orthodox family opposed
it frontally and even tried to organize an alternative wedding with a Jewish
painter, come to this end from the United States [9]. Lea was sent away from
Dresden by the family and the two young people had to use the post to keep in
touch (they wrote each other almost every day). To Hans, the whole world seemed
hostile; in one of his letters he spoke to the beloved of his nightmares, and
some phrases – describing a nightmare – seemed to remember the atmosphere of
his "Thunderstorm - The cold night"
two years later (see fig. 31): "Around
us the light was murky, sulphur-coloured, and without a slight shadow. From the
stinking houses we looked at human beings and animals with strange shapes. As
if they were trash, strange geometric shapes laid on the road” [10].
The young artist
was sick, did not sleep anymore, and the doctor diagnosed a strong somatization
of his psychological pain. Hans believed he saw Lea everywhere. He would like
to reach her in Heidelberg, but did not have the money to pay for the trip. He
then staid for hours under the window of her house in Dresden, hoping she was
already back. He could not paint anymore and only the reading of Lea's missives
was a source of consolation. "My
dear Lea, I have just received your letter. You have no idea how happy I was. I
am sitting here alone in the studio and continue reading what you write to me,
and I am rejoicing. Today I have worked again to my big picture. I am not
satisfied with it, yet I cannot get rid of it. Until four o'clock in the
afternoon there were two girls here aged 15 to 16 years old. I managed to make
some good quality drawings of them. But you cannot believe how impertinent they
were. Of course, I'm used to everything, but I cannot tolerate any more the
vulgarity that these two tell me. One might think that they have now
experienced everything, and yet I believe it is certain that no one has yet
touched them. And then they are dirty and stink, but they have strong bodies
like those of a feline. Perhaps I will portray them” [11].
He talked about
the world of models as an environment incapable of feeling empathy and
compassion. He told of a young boy working as a trainee at a butcher who stole some sausages for
the sake of one of these girls and who, having been discovered, committed
suicide in shame. He was amazed at the girl's reaction: "The young woman came very early to us - I
had just got up - and she told the story. She smiled stupidly, seemed to be
glad of it and told us: «You know,
he was so unrefined and never helped me to wear a coat. And then he was a
simple butcher, those always have chapped hands. I can find many others and
very different ones, my parents have a house.»”
[12]. Hans told with a sense of "disgust"
[13] of cases of prostitution among the models, including young girls who sold
themselves for money to other women [14], and he attributed it to the fact that
"everyone is a victim of this
society” [15]. One of the numerous nightmares he described to his beloved,
in a letter dated January 25, 1927, was that a group of naked female dancers,
dressed only with a hat, surrounded him in a ballroom. One of them approached
and tempted him: "You look for Lea,
but she is not here. You do not even need to look for her! Come, dance with me!
We are just as young and even as beautiful!” [16] The nightmare continued:
"Tears came to my eyes. I did not
want to. And then they became aggressive and dragged me into the middle of the
room. They threw themselves all over me and tore their clothes off me, until I
was naked in the hall” [17].
Hans often called
Lea "Mein Schwarzes",
my brunette (because with black hair and dark complexion). On several
occasions, moreover, he referred to the fact that she was Jewish as an element
of her beauty. "In every little Jew
I think I see you, my beloved, and then I am always very disappointed to
discover another unknown and cold face, and I get angry with myself” [18].
He wrote to her: "Lea, my beautiful
daughter of Judea ...” [19] e “Lea,
daughter of the country of Judah" [20]. He was however clear that, for
her family, he would always remain a goy,
or a gentile.
In terms of
sexuality, the young Hans was actually very old-fashioned: in recalling his
revolutionary ideology, he actually demonstrating a good dose of moralism:
"Lea, one more thing: the sexual
question still rotates in our heads. Often I myself had to fight internally
with this theme. Personally I consider it one of the most important issues,
and we need to take a precise position on
it. A proletarian conscious of his class role must be absolutely educated to get rid of all the habits inherited
from the bourgeoisie. You do not have to understand me wrong. I do not think that we should repress such a
natural thing in an ascetic way; it would be exaggerated, indeed fundamentally
wrong. (...) But the essence of the
whole question is this: above all, we have the obligation to keep ourselves pure
on this aspect. Every comrade must
learn it. We must appreciate the human being in us and not throw everything in
the garbage, as a bourgeois does” [21]. And for what concerns life after
marriage, he expressed the hope of sticking to rules of elegance and respect:
"Do not laugh," he wrote to
Lea, "but when we get married I do
not want us to do as in all marriages, where people let themselves go. Over
time, husband and wife dress in disorderly fashion. It's all dirty. They lose
respect for each other, love is lost” [22]. Lea proposed to go and live
together before getting married, but Hans replied that he did not want to do
things hastily and without planning [23]. All in all, his girlfriend's father
did not have so much to worry about the future son-in-law.
The letters,
however, also contained interesting statements of a political nature, even if
the young painter confessed that he did not understand everything he heard at
the meetings in the KPD sections, the German Communist Party: "I'm still missing the knowledge. Only the
devil knows! I do not read books like Lenin's State and Revolution or the texts by Marx. They seem to me to be
written too abstractly and are difficult to understand. I hope you do not take
me for stupid, I would really get angry. (...) And despite everything I am trying to force myself and with time I will
understand. A few days ago I read Rosa Luxemburg's letters. I really liked them
and I was struck by how far she has been able to look forward and judge the events
in Russia, and especially how everything she wrote was correct” [24].
The missives
also addressed the issue of the division between communists and social
democrats, and the reasons for or against their collaboration in parliament (one
of the weaknesses of the Weimar Republic was the inability of the left to unite
against the Nazis, and in particular the blind hatred of the Communists towards
the Social Democrats of President Ebert, considered the enemy to be destroyed).
The two young people questioned themselves on the subject, and Hans discussed
on it with the friend Max John who had very radical positions in this regard.
Here is a letter
from January 1927: "My dear, I
understand what you have just written to me about the inner split in which you
live because of the KPD. After all, even I have no clear ideas. Today Franz and
Max John have come to me. All they did was to reproach each other for having
counter-revolutionary ideas. (...) My
point of view is that everything on earth has a natural and consequent
development. No one can think of building the house from the roof, it is simply
impossible (...). If the entire
proletariat were already conscious of its class role, perhaps Franz's ideas
could be realized. But as things stand, because the proletariat has not yet
understood the centralism of the KPD, and instead the great part of the masses
is still bourgeoisly anchored to the SPD, our task is to move in that direction that Franz refuses so vehemently.
(...) We are not angels. We still work in
parliament today, and I cannot understand why we should not use every means”
[25]. Max John (1886-1950) was a printer, who also produced the woodcuts of
Otto Dix and many other Dresden artists (we have portraits of him made by Dix, Edmund
Kesting and above all Conrad Felixmüller). To celebrate his friend, who died in a car accident, Otto Griebel finalised a posthumous portrait of him in 1952, recently shown in the Griebel exhibition in Dresden. He must not be confused with another Dresden communist, also called Max John (1891-1933) who died under torture at the Nazi concentration camp of Oranienburg in 1933, where he had been imprisoned for political reasons.
Hans confessed to
Lea that he was not able to sell his paintings. Actually, 1926 was a year in
which, in general, the stabilization of the economy led to great economic
satisfactions for many artists of different orientation, from the old-fashioned
expressionists to the abstract artists and the painters who offered anew a more
classic figurative; probably the refusal of the painter to make use, in
principle, of the system of art trade condemned him to a situation of poverty.
He talked about it with Ferdinand Dorsch (1875-1938), a professor at the
Dresden Academy, oriented towards a painting that was still clearly of
impressionist style, and asked him for a scholarship, but instead of a help, he
found only mockery. "I spoke today
with Dorsch. He told me that the ministry does not want to authorize funds for
those who are still studying, and then after all in my case it cannot be so
bad: I sold to the International! He said that I must consider it a great moral
success. It made me angry and I told him that with moral successes you do not
eat” [26]. But a few days later he repented of what he wrote to Lea: "The art painter [Kunstmaler] of yesterday
with his shattered individualism is now outdated. We have to make completely
different things, and above all we have to get rid of everything that has to do
with the art market, the critics and the bourgeoisie” [27]. The expression
"Kunstmaler" was (perhaps)
chosen to represent those who dedicated themselves to art for art, without a
parallel political commitment; he considered them useless and harmful.
Hans was aware
of the situation: "Lea, it will be
difficult when you come back and we will be married. Nobody will help us. Not a
single person: and if my father's health worsens [note of the editor: he
died shortly after, and Hans was forced to take his place for some time in his housepainter's
shop], I will have to support the whole
family. (...) My dear, will you like
it? If we live only for ourselves, we will not be spoiled. But I'm afraid it
will be worse and worse. In the coming times, public purchases will be lacking.
We cannot expect anything from anyone, we
will depend on ourselves. (...) But,
my love superior to everything, even if we have to go through many worries, we
love each other and we will live and work” [28].
At times, the
letters reflected days of great confidence in their abilities: "Together we will be independent of
everything and everyone. If we want to exhibit, we will do it. We can do
without public purchases and unemployment benefits. Nobody can tell us
anything, we can kick all the teachers, intellectuals and critics in the ass”
[29]. But there was also no shortage of days of despair: "Economic accommodation is more important
than we think. I probably would not mind having to live in a tiny room, have
nothing to eat, and have debts everywhere. I would endure it as a man, because
my body has become accustomed to all the possible difficulties. But for you,
Lea, it would be a catastrophe. You
are much more delicate than me, and above all you do not know a life like this.
It has nothing to do with romance, it would be romantic only if we spoke of it
eating around a richly set table. The much-lauded bohemian life is the most
terrible misery I can imagine. Perhaps even worse than being a proletarian. It
would tear me to see that your health gradually deteriorates” [30].
Some of the
letters told of the not always easy relationships between Hans and the painters of the same
age in Dresden, even of the same political orientation, like Otto Griebel
(1895-1972). One letter described a verbal clash between Griebel and Grundig, during
a meeting in the home of the painter Wilhelm Lachnit (1899-1962), another of the
young communist artists of Dresden. "Otto
turns out to be more and more like a nothingness, which needs always new
audiences to look original" [31]. The reasons for dissent seemed to be
of a personal nature: Griebel derided Grundig for some photographs that he had commissioned
with a ‘bourgeois pose’, but after a
few days he appeared with photos of his wife and him of the same type. Grundig
took revenge by revealing to his beloved Lea that Griebel had made a bad
impression when he visited Otto Dix (the master revered by all) a few days
before in Berlin. "Griebel cannot
stand me anymore, because I often contradict him and for him I am neither a
audience nor a sounding board” [32].
What Hans dreamed
of was to be able to devote himself to painting the poor (Elendsmalerei), that is to an artistic representation denouncing
situations of misery: in this, he was also supported by Lea, who wrote that artists
must "represent the little things of
life, along which we all walk without paying attention” [33]. Hans replied:
"That's exactly what I want:
portraying the factory man, a little girl, the street, a rented apartment,
children, trees, gardens and urinals. That's what I find right and appropriate.
Every art that does not correspond to a proletarian conception of the world is
today worthless and superfluous. That art today must witness poverty is
obvious, we are certainly not blind” [34].
Hans's
conception of art was not limited to a new iconographic definition, but extended
to an operational political project: "We
must not care how the so-called art will evolve in the future. At this precise
moment we have a duty to spread the communist idea thanks to our painting, i.e.
to help destroy the old bourgeois society. Today I am more than ever convinced of one thing: art itself, including
the proletarian art or the one that fights for that goal, does not have any
value, if we remain within the old
ideology of the bourgeoisie, or if we continue to consider ourselves still and
always only as artists, albeit with a proletarian mentality. We must be active
in our life. This duty will also affect us and is even more important than
painting paintings, if we do not want to consider ourselves simply as romantics
who have moved away from real life” [35].
The series of
letters to Lea run out, in essence, after March 1927 (when the two moved to live together),
with some exceptions corresponding to short periods of remoteness. It is worth
mentioning, albeit briefly, also these missives, because they correspond to the years of
the seizure of power by Nazism.
- October 1932: his wife was in Augsburg. The artist received subsidies from the Künstlerhilfsbund (The League for the Protection of Artists), a public body created in 1915 and still operating today. Hans told Lea that he was able to pay for light and rent. He recognized the note of pessimism featuring all his paintings since the earliest times. He wrote about an exhibition of new works by Otto Dix at the Neue Kunst Fides Gallery in Dresden, but he spoke on them in very negative terms. "You cannot imagine how bad those works are. An art aimed at pleasing society with a perverse impact, without any formulation of intentions and definition of object, empty and meaningless" [36]. However, he noted that art critics in Dresden were enthusiastic. These were the years when Dix moved away from the political iconography of the 1920s.
- March 1934: Hans wrote to Lea from an unknown destination talking about Rubens and Leonardo. It was the year in which the Nazi authorities sanctioned him with a state ban to practice any form of art creation (Berufsverbot);
- Autumn 1935: Hans sent a letter to Lea from Zurich. He was just returning from a trip to Italy (he spoke of it as a promised land), but on the way back he got sick, somewhere between Triest and Bozen. The missive contained many descriptions of the Dolomites landscape.
- May 1936: he wrote from Dresden to Abi and Marianne, two unknown interlocutors who also exchanged correspondence with his wife Lea. He told them that he had been excluded from the chamber of commerce for art and saw his live at risk. "On every side attacks from enemies, peace only in work and in our workshop” [37]. Nevertheless he was very happy with his work. He hypothesized a transfer to Palestine with his wife [38].
End of Part One
Go to Part Two (Forthcoming)
Go to Part Two (Forthcoming)
NOTES
[2] Grundig, Hans - Zwischen Karneval und Aschermittwoch: Erinnerungen eines Malers, Berlin, Dietz, 1957, 428 pages.
[3] Грундиг, Ганс - Между карнавалом и великим постом: Воспоминания художника, Casa editrice Искусство, Mosca, 1964, 345 pagine.
[4] Grundig, Hans - Między karnawałem a popielcem : wspomnienia malarza, a cura di Janina ed Erwin Wolf, Varsavia, Państwowy Instytut Wydawniczy, 1967, 365 pagine.
[5] Grundig, Hans – Künstlerbriefe … (quoted), p. 12.
[6] Grundig, Hans – Künstlerbriefe … (quoted), p. 13.
[7] Grundig, Hans – Künstlerbriefe … (quoted), p. 13.
[8] Grundig, Hans – Künstlerbriefe … (quoted), p. 14.
[9] Grundig, Hans – Künstlerbriefe … (quoted), p. 27.
[10] Grundig, Hans – Künstlerbriefe … (quoted), p. 28.
[11] Grundig, Hans – Künstlerbriefe … (quoted), p. 30.
[12] Grundig, Hans – Künstlerbriefe … (quoted), p. 43.
[13] Grundig, Hans – Künstlerbriefe … (quoted), p. 37.
[14] Grundig, Hans – Künstlerbriefe … (quoted), p. 37.
[15] Grundig, Hans – Künstlerbriefe … (quoted), p. 37.
[16] Grundig, Hans – Künstlerbriefe … (quoted), p. 51.
[17] Grundig, Hans – Künstlerbriefe … (quoted), p. 51.
[18] Grundig, Hans – Künstlerbriefe … (quoted), p. 33.
[19] Grundig, Hans – Künstlerbriefe … (quoted), p. 37.
[20] Grundig, Hans – Künstlerbriefe … (quoted), p. 59.
[21] Grundig, Hans – Künstlerbriefe … (quoted), p. 45.
[22] Grundig, Hans – Künstlerbriefe … (quoted), pp. 38-39.
[23] Grundig, Hans – Künstlerbriefe … (quoted), p. 53.
[24] Grundig, Hans – Künstlerbriefe … (quoted), p. 38.
[25] Grundig, Hans – Künstlerbriefe … (quoted), p. 44.
[26] Grundig, Hans – Künstlerbriefe … (quoted), p. 40.
[27] Grundig, Hans – Künstlerbriefe … (quoted), p. 41.
[28] Grundig, Hans – Künstlerbriefe … (quoted), p. 40.
[29] Grundig, Hans – Künstlerbriefe … (quoted), p. 41.
[30] Grundig, Hans – Künstlerbriefe … (quoted), pp. 56-57.
[31] Grundig, Hans – Künstlerbriefe … (quoted), p. 46.
[32] Grundig, Hans – Künstlerbriefe … (quoted), p. 47.
[33] Grundig, Hans – Künstlerbriefe … (quoted), p. 54.
[34] Grundig, Hans – Künstlerbriefe … (quoted), p. 54.
[35] Grundig, Hans – Künstlerbriefe … (quoted), p. 54.
[36] Grundig, Hans – Künstlerbriefe … (quoted), p. 61.
[37] Grundig, Hans – Künstlerbriefe … (quoted), p. 64.
[38] Grundig, Hans – Künstlerbriefe … (quoted), p. 64.
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