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venerdì 22 luglio 2016

David Hockney. Secret Knowledge, Rediscovering the Lost Techniques of the Old Masters. Review by Francesco Mazzaferro. Part Four


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David Hockney
Secret Knowledge, Rediscovering the Lost Techniques of the Old Masters

New and expanded edition with 510 illustrations, 442 in colour

New York, Viking Studio, 2006

Review by Francesco Mazzaferro
Part Four


[Original Version: June-July 2016 - New Version April 2019]

Fig. 63) The proceedings of the conference in Florence, published in 2009

Read from the Beginning

The fourth session [128]

Lawrence Weschler chaired a panel of five artists: Chuck Close, William Bailey, Philip Pearlstein, Abelardo Morell and Gilles Peress. They were all realists or hyperrealist painters, with the exception of Peress, a famous agency photographer (he produced some of the most dramatic images of the massacres in Burundi). One of them, Abelardo Morell, was still using the camera obscura in present times, in order to make photographic images which would combine pictures of interiors and inverted pictures of exteriors. The topic of discussion was of course the use of technology in their relationship with reality, including the connection between painting and photography. Unfortunately, only the text of Pearlstein has been published. Once again, there is a danger of losing the memory of that encounter.

The numerous press reports about the conference and the subsequent essays on the subject have however made clear that Close and Pearlstein took diametrically opposite positions. A few years later, John Spike has returned to the subject in his report on Caravaggio's Optical Realities [129] at the SACI conference in Florence in 2008, comparing the images of the two artists, and seeing analogies and dissimilarities. He noted that both produced images that clearly displayed photographic effects: however, only the first artist used photographs to paint, while the second created images that seemed intentionally inspired by photographs, but technically were the product of a traditional way of painting.

Chuck Close, often referred to as photo-realist, is famous for portraits made with different techniques, but always starting from photographs (in this blog we have already seen how several other contemporary artists, such as Jacques Monory, Marlene Dumas and Gerhard Richter, depicted images from photographs, with very different outcomes in style terms). In New York, Close took the view that it is normal for artists such as Ingres to have used all available technologies to facilitate their work (and indeed he proposed that the conference be entitled ‘Look back in Ingres’) [130].

Pearlstein’s stance was quite different. He explained that he had always and only made life portrays. Moreover, since the sixties he had always refused each classification as a hyperrealist painter. Pearlstein’s goal was to make the camera obsolete, after artists had chosen abstract art for years exactly because they meant that photography had made figurative art obsolete. His way of painting was therefore traditional: it was based on the pose of the models, the geometric design of their forms, the progressive outlining of those forms closer and closer to reality. He illustrated the steps he needed to portray Linda Nochlin (cited above) and her husband. "The use of optical devices, whether prisms, sheets of glass or photographic prints, can give the artist only the outlines of three dimensional objects reduced to one dimension. But the struggle to make that reduction and fill the areas between the outlines gives the artist working from direct visual experience some of his greatest kicks. The difference is like the acceptance of the published score of a hockey game as the finished product, while ignoring the physical experience of the struggle that is the point of the game. It is what is painted between the outlines that makes the difference between merely competent painting and really meaningful art" [131].


The final session

According to press accounts, the already polemical tones of the first two days of debate must have fully degenerated in the final session, moderated by Leonard Barkan, a former director of the New York Institute for the Humanities and professor of contemporary literature. The panellists were Michael Fried, Svetlana Alpers, Richard Wollheim, Rosalind Krauss and James Elkins. Unfortunately, only the text of Elkins has been published; on everything else we can only assess what journalists reported. None of the participants seemed to welcome the core thesis of Secret Knowledge.

Michael Fried, a pupil of Clement Greenberg and scholar of abstract art and minimalism, was dealing in those years with Caravaggio. On the subject he held the A. W. Mellon Lecture in the Fine Arts at the National Gallery in Washington in 2002, with the title The Moment of Caravaggio [132]. He expressed doubt on the Hockney theory, both in general and in the specific case of Caravaggio. In his opinion, it was inconceivable that the distortions identified by Hockney (like for instance the lack of proportions in the Supper at Emmaus, described in the second part of this post) were unwanted effects. In his view Caravaggio did not use lenses to project images on canvas, but instead he intentionally painted what the viewer would have seen, if he had been in front of a mirror. Thereby, he induced in his public stronger emotional reactions. This explains the abundance of left-handers in the paintings of Michelangelo Merisi, which we have already discussed in the second part of this post.

Svetlana Alpers, a student of Gombrich, is one of the most famous historian of Flemish and Dutch art, celebrated for the book "The Art of Describing: Dutch Art in the Seventeenth Century", released in 1983 [133]. She elaborated the thesis that painting in northern Europe has been based on quite different forms of perspective from those of the Italian Renaissance: based on Alberti, the Italian school perspective aimed at creating a link between artist and viewer. In the Nordic world, to the contrary, perspective has been seen as part of a nature that exists before the painter conceives it: "The world offers images of itself without the intervention of the human maker and is thus conceived as existing prior to the artist viewer. The picture takes the place of the eye and leaves the location of the viewer undefined" [134]. Perspective only serves to geometrically transform the world into a workspace, but not for the artist to create an interpretation of nature for the viewer's consumption; unlike what happens in the Italian Renaissance, in Northern Europe the viewer assumes a passive position, and only aims at taking note of the forms and their likelihood.

Thus the researcher cannot agree with the thesis of Hockney, who takes after all a fundamentally Italian position. Hockney, in fact, suggests that the camera obscura served the painter to build images which could best attract the public's attention. His model is the use of the camera obscura by Caravaggio. Ms Alpers believes that the Dutch painters (and certainly Vermeer) have also used the camera obscura, but for entirely different reasons than those assumed by Hockney: not to reproduce reality, but to create special and illusory effects, like deformations introducing abstract elements in the painting [135]. And it is in this sense that the researcher took cruel game of the English painter at the conference [136]: the camera obscura aimed at ensuring that painters get rid of reality, and this is perhaps the one thing that Hockney should best do: "Think about it, dear David!" The invitation to abstraction by Svetlana Alpers must have looked like a curse for Hockney.

Even the art historian James Elkins, author of The poetics of prospective, had an angry attitude towards the author of Secret Knowledge. There is no need to make reference to the technical instruments to explain the skill of the artist in reproducing the most difficult foreshortening on the basis of a free design. However, his main thesis is that the painters have never used Alberti’s rigid geometrical rules on perspective, either in Italy or in Northern Europe, and that the conversation between artists and scientists has always been a dialogue of the deaf. To prove the first point, Elkins produced himself at the conference some sketches of the lute reproduced by Holbein the Younger in his painting The Ambassadors, also under different angles from the original. He used intuitive rules of perspective, similar to those practiced, in his opinion, by artists for centuries.

On the second point, his conclusions were poisonous, and were addressed perhaps more against the publisher that against the author: "Why is the press so interested in Hockney's book? I am astonished and depressed at the amount of publicity Hockney's new interest is getting. The publication is lavish. I bet most of us on these panels wish we could get production values like that. And I think it's true that no matter how many doubts art historians raise, and how well we argue, we will all lose, because the publicity on the other side is just too great. Recently I talked with someone at Thames and Hudson (who originally published the book in the UK), who expressed some scepticism about Hockney's thesis, but said that "at least" people who don't know anything about the Old Masters might encounter them in this book. Now a publisher certainly does not have to believe in everything she publishes, but that reasoning seemed especially unfortunate. The book makes it appear as if optical devices are what make the Old Masters interesting. That wouldn't be a problem in an academic monograph, but this book will be read much more widely, so it's unfortunate that Hockney has not tried to tie the optical "secrets" and "tricks" to the paintings' more complex and demanding meanings. (It is also unfortunate, but typical, that the book does not have even the very simple calculations that Falco uses to make his points-though that also goes to the point of the kind of reader that is expected.) So why will we all lose? Because there is a tremendous desire on the part of readers, journalists, and people who visit museums to understand the Old Masters once and for all. The optical tricks listed in Hockney's book promise to make that possible. Each trick also helps demote the priesthood of academic interpreters and bypass the often opaque or irrelevant labels that curators normally provide. People like James Marrow and Walter Liedtke (who connected the optical themes to deeper historical meanings) are the worst nightmare for viewers who want their art accessible and relatively free of context. But I wonder (…) how many journalists will note that the satisfaction of knowing that a given painting was accomplished with the aid of a trick is a very superficial satisfaction, and that it leaves the value, the mystery, and the meaning of the painting entirely untouched. It is far more satisfying just to know something once and for all: hence, we will all lose. I will even make a prediction: in twenty years, by 2020, Hockney's claims will be part of first-year art history textbooks regardless of the critical consensus." [137]


The conclusions by Hockney and Falco

The marathon ended with Hockey Falco taking the floor to draw some conclusions. Unfortunately, there is no written account of what they said. The biography of Hockney, written by Christopher Simon Sykes, reveals that the long and intensive exchange of views had perhaps much fatigued the old painter, who was therefore unable to offer a synthesis before the public in New York [138]. The correspondent of the Los Angeles Times, Paul Lieberman, wrote that Hockney simply recalled that "he did not claim any conclusive outcome. ‘The paintings I agree are absolutely magical,’ he said. ‘We will never actually know how they were done'" [139]. Sarah Boxes of the New York Times added that his only words were: ''I enjoyed it. I learned some things. I will now go back to my studio'' [140]. However, the semi-official website of the conference includes three hand-written pages by Hockney, drafted a few days after the meeting, i.e. on December 31, 2001 [141]. In them Hockney reiterated his fundamental thesis without substantial changes.

Fig. 64) David Hockney, Notes in the wake of the conference.
Fonte: http://www.zoharworks.com/artandoptics/afterthoguhts/after_fs.html

The conference in Florence in 2008

Seven years of controversy passed. However, these were also years of research, especially at the SACI (Studio Art Centers International), an American university centre in Florence, specialized in restoration [142]. We already dedicated the second part of this post to the studies of SACI and in particular to the research led by Roberta Lapucci on the use of optics by Caravaggio, and we will not come back to it. We would rather like to explain how the Painted Optics Symposium gathered David Hockney and Charles Falco with the active scholars in Florence: in addition to Ms Lapucci, also Susan Grundy of the University of South Africa, John Spike (the scholar who had already participated in the New York conference in 2001) and two other Italian scholars: Filippo Camerota and Claudio Pernechele. Moreover, it seems useful to note that the conference inevitably reflected the backward-looking features of Italian culture: if panellists in New York reflected on the way the optics influenced the way of considering the relationship between artists and reality in the time span between Renaissance/Baroque to our days, in Florence they even discussed about the world before Leon Battista Alberti, about optic tecniques applied by Duccio di Boninsegna and the medieval Arab treaty of Ibn al Haytham.

Hockney gave the initial report, on the relationship between the production of images and the power: "Thoughts on Camera Manufacture and its Relationship to Power " [143]. He noted that the last big altars commissioned by the Church to a painter were those of St. Sulpice in Paris: we were between 1855 and 1861 and the author was Eugene Delacroix. The year 1839, date of creation of the photographic image-fixing, had just passed and the world was about to experience a revolution in the control of the creation of images.

Fig. 65) Eugène Delacroix, Jacob wrestling with the angel, 1861. Source: Wikimedia Commons

It was also the time when the production of images passed from the control of the church to that of the chemical industry, with the spread of photography (and, later on, of film and television). It was not an innocent passage: these were the tools that eventually made the conquest and the management of power possible over the following years, and created the basis for consensus to totalitarian regimes. And yet, the chemical process was not entirely new: the invention was that of the new techniques to fix the image, but in reality its projection through the camera obscura was known for centuries, and was kept secret; likewise, in the Silicon Valley IT corporations today still require the signature of confidentiality agreements to anyone who visits them. Hockney told that the same company that had produced the optical instruments he used for his documentary on the BBC, i.e. Panavision (http://www.panavision.com/), was still famous those days for not disclosing the technological processes used to create the lenses employed in Hollywood movies (he claimed they did not yet have a website). Conceptually, this was not much dissimilar from the attitude of the catholic church, bringing Della Porta before the Inquisition in 1579, because they wanted to prevent the dissemination of his knowledge on the camera obscura. Today a different era has begun: one where controlling image is made difficult by the universalization of technology: each of us can take pictures from the phone. With the creation of Photoshop by Adobe, the photographic image production has been now integrated into that of the pictorial design. With the iPad, one paints directly with Photoshop. It was the new frontier of creation even for Hockney, until he decided to retire to the UK in the East Yorkshire and to return to eye painting.

Falco offered, along with Aimee L. Weintz Allen, a study on the treatise in seven volumes on the optics of Ibn al-Haytham (Ibn al-Haytham's Contributions to Optics, Art, and Visual Literacy) [144], between the tenth and eleventh centuries. Arabic scholar made use of the camera obscura to study the transmission of light and tentatively give a theoretical basis to the existence of the rays.

Fig. 66) Artemisia Gentileschi, Self-Portrait as the Allegory of Painting, around 1639. Source: Wikimedia Commons

Susan Grundy held in Florence two reports. In the first one she studied the theme of allegorical representation of painting in the baroque world, with the text “The Allegory of Photography in Baroque Painting” [145]. She compared the Self-Portrait as the Allegory of Painting by Artemisia Gentileschi, Vermeer’s Allegory of painting, Las Meninas by Velázquez and The Self-Portrait with a Sunflower by Anthony van Dyck. In his opinion, not only all of them were conceived and realized with projections through the use of the camera obscura, but they were also allegorical depictions of the role that light and the mirrors have in the activity of the artists. The sunflower in the self-portrait by Van Dyck was in his view the symbol of the sunlight, the source that ensures the operation of optical instruments, also determining their effectiveness (depending on intensity) and regulates their functioning (the movement of the positions of the sun necessarily impacts on the focusing of the lenses).

Fig. 67) Antoon van Dyck, Self-Portrait with Sunflower, 1635-1636. Source: Wikimedia Commons

But it was mainly the unusual oil on plaster ceiling by Caravaggio, depicting Jupiter, Neptune and Pluto, in the Villa Ludovisi in Rome, to draw the attention of the South African scholar. According to Ms Grundy, the painting was executed in 1597, originally to decorate an alchemical room in the residence that Cardinal Del Monte had purchased just that year to become the residence of Caravaggio. The allegorical motifs recalled the chemical elements that the painter had used in those years to produce a monochrome image on the canvas, copying and pasting the projections of images through the camera obscura. The restoration of the Uffizi Bacchus, as well as of the Santa Caterina and Judith Beheading Holofernes, had in fact permitted to discover the presence of chemical elements based on silver and mercury, which was known since the Middle Ages as materials changing in the presence of light. An impression might have formed on the so treated canvas in just a few minutes of exposure. The painter would have painted above these monochromes layers. Ms Grundy also noted that such chemical elements would be banned today: fixing silver with mercury vapour, while entirely possible, meant being exposed to highly toxic substances, with very serious, and even potentially deadly, effects on the central nervous system.

Fig. 68) Caravaggio, Jupiter, Neptune and Pluto, 1597. Source: Wikimedia Commons
In the second report, entitled "Observable Optical Phenomena in the Painting of Duccio di Boninsegna" [146]. Ms Grundy analysed the images on the back of Duccio di Boninsegna’s Maestà in the Cathedral of Siena and found clues suggesting the possible use of optical instruments. In the back of the Maestà, in fact, actions are depicted within imaginary buildings which are at times replicated, suggesting that Duccio used tools to copy the drawings from one predella to the other (see, for example, Christ before Pilate and the Prosecution of the Pharisees). Documentary evidence of the projection of images existed in the thirteenth century with the writings of Roger Bacon and Erazmus Ciolek Witelo.

Fig. 69) Duccio, Christ before Pilate and Accusation of the Pharisees, Maestà, 1308-1311. Source: Wikimedia Commons

The only way to prove that the images were reproduced by the Sienese painter through optical instruments would be to detect deformations in images that may have been caused by the use of mirrors and lenses. The researcher examined in particular three predellas: the Announcement of the Death of the Virgin, the Leave of Mary from John and the Leave of the apostles. The three episodes are set in the same room. Yet there are some subtle differences: starting from left to right, the surface of the wall in the background (the one from which the ceiling beams depart) progressively narrows, while the arch on the left increases in size. By making a computer inspection of the images, Ms Grundy analysed the changes as a subsequent rotation of the perspective by ten degrees, and was able to correct this problem, so that the three images were fitting perfectly.

Fig. 70) Duccio, The Announcement of the Death of the Virgin, the Leave of Mary from John and the Leave from the Apostles, Maestà, 1308-1311. Source: Wikimedia Commons

The back of Majesty also reveals a double perspective image (the image of the temple, in the predella of the Temptation on the temple) which is very similar to that described by Manetti as the act of birth of the depiction of perspective by Brunelleschi (the representation of the Baptistery in Florence 1420). The image also contains a representation of the Interior of the temple, in foreshortening. As well as for Brunelleschi two hundred years later, these features may suggest that Duccio used a concave mirror to create a one-dimensional picture, which was naturally organised according to a vanishing point due to the physical characteristics of the medium used.

Fig. 71) Duccio, Temptation on the Temple, Maestà, 1308-1311

Fig. 72) Duccio, Temptation on the Temple (detail), Maestà, 1308-1311

The iteration between the optical theories of the Franciscan Roger Bacon and Arabic Ibn al-Haytham (Alhazen) and the representation of perspective through Euclidean geometry by Giotto, Ghiberti and Masaccio is the object of the survey by Filippo Camerota on "Before Alberti. 'Perspectiva' and 'Pictura' " [147]. In a postscript, Camerota takes however distance from Hockney's thesis, believing that the images were produced using techniques and procedures of Euclidian linear geometry and not through optical instruments.


Rome, 2010: the conference "Lumen Imago Pictura"

The last episode of this story on the reflections of Secret Knowledge in recent years leads us to Rome, to the research project "History of the light in the theory of vision and in the visual representation", and the Lumen Imago Pictura conference, organized by the Hertziana Library from the Max-Planck Institute, in cooperation with the Academy of Fine Arts in Rome on 12 to 13 April 2010. The research project was curated by Sybille Ebert-Schifferer, Pietro Roccasecca and Andreas Thielemann, who organize an international meeting attended by scholars from all over Europe [148]. It was also an opportunity to present, in digital form, a previously unknown manuscript of the Latin translation of De aspectibus treatise by Ibn al-Haytham (Alhazen) [149], the mediaeval Arabic scholar of optics.

Fig. 73) A page of the manuscript Alhazen Casanatense MS1393 Alacensis /
Liber de aspectiibus et vocatur prospectiva / legit de visione corporea, de luce, de oculis

The proceedings of the conference have not been published, but the results of the Max-Planck Institute research project were collected by Andreas Thielemann in 2011, in a report on "Knowledge of optics in the history of painting" [150]. The analysis of the relationship between optical and painting runs on three lines: "The direct vision based on the direct spread of light, the reflection on reflective surfaces and the refraction of the rays of light on an interface, through means of different densities." It is the third stream to be directly in line with the thesis of Hockney.

Fig. 74) Andreas Thielemann, Projection of a basket of fruit through a water jug ©Bibliotheca Hertziana / A. Thielemann. Source: https://www.mpg.de/1075867/Optik_Malerei.pdf

This is what Thielemann wrote: "The English painter David Hockney has supported the view that many painters from the 15th century on have used projected images as a support to their painting, to be able to give their paintings a naturalistic effect worthy of admiration. Since then the theory has been subjected to careful analysis in numerous conferences and publications. Although it was not possible to remove all differences of opinion, it is clear that one cannot speak of a generalised use of secret optical practices. In addition to several new elements of information, the discussion has, however, led to the need of analysing in a fundamental way the relationship between the development of optics and the history of painting. (...) By taking a point of view that combines practical and theoretical knowledge, it turns out very soon that the optical construction in the Dutch still lives, which are based on a refined play of reflections and refractions, are directly related to the scientific publications of the time.

Fig. 75) Andreas Thielemann, Refractions, reflections and multiple reflections. Left: Still life by Willem Claesz. 1634 (detail). Middle: Still life by Ambrosius Bosschaert the younger, around 1635-1640 (detail). Right: glass ampoule.
Source: https://www.mpg.de/1075867/Optik_Malerei.pdf

Numerous optical effects that can be understood with great difficulty in treaties and handbooks of the era, are represented in these paintings in detail, colour, and on the basis of three-dimensional objects, and thus assume a scientific nature according to the criterion of evidence, albeit in the manner of a game and a visual spectacle." Thus these were real experiments, which painters constructed with optical manuals at hand: to fully understand the images therefore requires experimentally reproducing the conditions of their production. In short, Hockney’s empirical spirit continues to be essential to understand art.

Fig. 76) Andreas Thielemann, Optical Experiment with adjustable opening window
© Bibliotheca Hertziana / A. Thielemann.
Source: https://www.mpg.de/1075867/Optik_Malerei.pdf

Post Scriptum

I had just finished writing this four-part post when my brother told me about the article by Steven Yin titled "The Mirrors Behind Rembrandt’s Self-Portraits", published in the New York Times just one week ago [151]. It quotes the recent article "Rembrandt's self-portraits" by Francis O'Neill and Sofia Palace Corner [152]. The two authors extend the discussion on the use of optics to Rembrandt’s self-portraits. There is really no doubt that the issue will continue to be given attention also in the next years.

NOTES

[128] We are continuing the analysis, on the basis of the available documentary evidence, of the conference on Art and Optics, held in New York on December 1 and 2, 2001 to present and discuss the thesis on David Hockney and Falco Charles (see the webpages 
http://www.zoharworks.com/artandoptics/index.html and 
http://www.webexhibits.org/hockneyoptics/). For a discussion of the first three sessions of the conference, please refer to Part Three of this post. Part One sets out the arguments contained in the book Secret Knowledge by David Hockney (first edition 2001; second edition 2006); in Part Two, reference is made to the studies by David Hockney and Roberta Lapucci on the use of optics by Caravaggio.

[129] Spike, John. T, Caravaggio’s Optical Realities, in: Painted Optics Symposium. Re-examining the Hockney-Falco thesis 7 years on, Florence, Fondazione Giorgio Ronchi e Studio Art Centers International, 7-9 Settembre 2008, pp. 15-20.

[130] Sykes, Christopher Simon - Hockney: The Biography, Volume 2 1975-2012: a pilgrim's progress, New York, Doubleday, 430 pages. Quotation at page 341.

[132] The lesson The Moment of Caravaggio is available in six parts at the address http://www.nga.gov/content/ngaweb/audio-video/mellon.html. In 2010 the author drew from it the essay The Moment of Caravaggio, published by Princeton University Press. The criticism to Hockney is contained in 
https://books.google.de/books?id=LviRBgAAQBAJ&pg=PA275&lpg=PA275&dq=michael+fried+david+hockney&source=bl&ots=qNXI-Rn6hM&sig=KinjiJeIbYhFVmIIg6d2xMplcRw&hl=it&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjQ-6aMyurNAhVDIsAKHSUWBf8Q6AEIPzAF#v=onepage&q=david%20hockney&f=false.

[133] Alpers, Svetlana - The Art of Describing: Dutch Art in the Seventeenth Century, Chicago, Chicago University Press, 1983, 302 pages.

[135] Psicologia clinica: dialoghi e confronti, edited by E. Molinari e A. Labella, Springer Verlag, 2007, 340 pages. Quotation at page 67

[138] Sykes, Christopher Simon - Hockney: The Biography, Volume 2 (quoted), p. 340

[142] Painted Optics Symposium. Re-examining the Hockney-Falco thesis 7 years on, Florence, Fondazione Giorgio Ronchi e Studio Art Centers International, September 7-9, 2008, 142 pages.

[143] Hockney, David - Thoughts on Camera Manufacture and its Relationship to Power, in Painted Optics Symposium. Re-examining the Hockney-Falco thesis 7 years on, Florence, Fondazione Giorgio Ronchi e Studio Art Centers International, September 7-9, 2008, 142 pages, pp. 5-13

[144] Falco, Charles and Aimée L. Weintz Allen - Contributions to Optics, Art, and Visual Literacy, in: Painted Optics Symposium. Re-examining the Hockney-Falco thesis 7 years on, Florence, Fondazione Giorgio Ronchi e Studio Art Centers International, September 7-9, 2008, 142 pages, pp. 115-128

[145] Grundy, Susan - The allegory of Photography in Baroque Painting, in: Painted Optics Symposium. Re-examining the Hockney-Falco thesis 7 years on, Florence, Fondazione Giorgio Ronchi e Studio Art Centers International, September 7-9, 2008, 142 pages, pp. 20-35.

[146] Grundy, Susan - Observable Optical Phenomena in the Painting of Duccio di Boninsegna, in: Painted Optics Symposium. Re-examining the Hockney-Falco thesis 7 years on, Florence, Fondazione Giorgio Ronchi e Studio Art Centers International, September 7-9, 2008, 142 pages, pp. 103-113.

[147] Camerota, Filippo - Before Alberti. ‘Perspectiva’ and ‘Pictura, in: Painted Optics Symposium. Re-examining the Hockney-Falco thesis 7 years on, Florence, Fondazione Giorgio Ronchi e Studio Art Centers International, September 7-9, 2008, 142 pages, pp. 83-101.



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